Developments In The European Union - Essay Example

Developments in the European Union (EU) The European Union (EU) is a political and economic union of twenty seven member s, located primarily in Europe. It has developed a unique concept of bringing different nations under one umbrella and to collect the over all contributions from all the member states to realise a bigger result. The contributions are of different social developments. This even gives the chance to nullify the shortfall of one nation in a particular development sector by any other nation. The concept is less near to the free trade or joint commercial effort. Dissolving the cultural boundaries of the different nations will rather increase the simplicity in all kind of operations as it has the concept of one single Governing body for its different institutions. This effort was established by the Treaty of Maastricht in the year 1993 upon the foundations of the pre existing European Economic Community. With almost 500 million citizens, the EU combined generates an estimated 30% share of the worlds nominal gross domestic product, (US$16.8 trillion in 2007) which also reflects global concern as structural and humanitarian developments (International Monetary Fund). Thus, the EU has developed a single market through a standardised system of laws which apply in all member states, guaranteeing the freedom of movement of people, goods, services and capital minimising the formalities of the Minister of External Affairs of the different member states and the other states accessing for the EU status (European Commission). It also maintains a common trade policy, agricultural and fisheries policies, and a regional development policy to convert the geographical differences into one landmass and also providing a broader channel of development in turns of trade and commerce, for the in and out flow of the business is multiple of course huge (Farah 2006). With a far sighted view of cash flow that can feed a fifteen member states, which have adopted a common currency, the euro, thus, expanding the operation of the transactions into many other nations. It has developed a role in foreign policy, representing its members in the World Trade Organisation, at G8 summits and at the United Nations. Twenty one EU countries are members of NATO. It has developed a role in justice and home affairs, including the dealings with immigrations to the states by the abolition of passport control between many member states under the Schengen Agreement (Europa 2005). The EU traces its origins to the European Coal and Steel Community formed among six countries in 1951 and the Treaty of Rome in 1957. Since then the EU has grown in size through the accession of new member states and has increased its powers by the addition of new policy areas to its remit. The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is one the oldest policies of the European Community and was one of its core aims (Stead & Whaples 2007). There are a number of Structural and Cohesion Funds to support development of underdeveloped regions of the EU. Such regions are primarily located in the new member states of Eastern Europe (Business 2000 Case Study 2007). Several funds provide emergency aid, support for candidate members to transform their country to conform to the EUs standard. With societal endeavourers as mentioned, it is rest assured that there are political movements shaping up to create an effect on national or EU level of Government. The two major political issues for the EU are European integration and enlargement. Enlargement, the accession of new states to the EU, is a highly politicised issue. Supporters such as the European Commission argue it aids democracy in new members, as well as supporting the European economy as a whole (European Communities 2008). Integration is another political issue, where the public view is sometimes that national interest conflicts with that of the Union as a whole. The aim of increasing harmonisation between states has meant that national powers have been pooled at the European level. This aim is criticised by eurosceptics who fear the loss of national democracy (Abbott 2002). As per the current trend, enlargement is the topic of the hour with more and more European countries joining the league. The paper is discussing from the perspective of an EU candidate country that how the development in question is relevant for Croatia. Croatia applied for European Union membership in the year 2003 and the European Commission recommended making it an official candidate in early 2004. Thus, the candidate country status was granted to Croatia by the European Council, the EUs heads of government in mid-2004. The entry negotiations, while originally set for March 2005 began in October that year. Croatia is expected to join in 2010, but this is now in some doubt following the Irish rejection of the Lisbon Treaty in a referendum (Smyth, J 2008). After Slovenia, Croatia has recovered best from the break-up of the former Yugoslavia. It has a stable market economy and it is ahead of EU member states like Bulgaria and Romania in economic indicators such as GDP per capita. Croatias membership bid has been made possible due to the reinforcement of the countrys institutions, electoral reform, increases in funding for the countrys Constitutional Court and Ombudsman, and improvements in minority rights and the return and integration of refugees, which facilitated the closure of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europes Croatian Mission in late 2007. As the development in the motion is the Enlargement of the EU itself, accessing Croatia as the member nation; the developments in the socio-political sphere of the country will effect nationally and at the EU Governance level. Foreign policy run parallel to that of Politics as the countries are mingling into a common league and as they are forming a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in cooperation between member states dates from the establishment of the Community in 1957, when member states negotiated as a block in international trade negotiations under the Common Commercial Policy (The European Commission 2000) and a more wide ranging coordination in foreign relations began in 1970 with the establishment of European Political Cooperation which created an informal consultation process between member states with the aim of forming common foreign policies. It was not, however, until the 1987, when European Political Cooperation was introduced on a formal basis by the Single European Act. EPC was renamed as the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) by the Maastricht Treaty. The Maastricht Treaty gives the CFSP the aims of promoting both the EUs own interests and those of the international community as a whole. This includes promoting international co-operation, respect for human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. The Amsterdam Treaty created the office of the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy to co-ordinate the EUs foreign policy. The High Representative, in conjunction with the current Presidency, speaks on behalf of the EU in foreign policy matters and can have the task of articulating ambiguous policy positions created by disagreements among member states. The Common Foreign and Security Policy require unanimity among the now 27 member states on the appropriate policy to follow on any particular policy. The unanimity and difficult issues treated under the CFSP makes disagreements, such as those which occurred over the war in Iraq, not uncommon. Besides the emerging international policy of the European Union, the international influence of the EU is also felt through enlargement. The perceived benefits of becoming a member of the EU act as an incentive for both political and economic reform in states wishing to fulfill the EUs accession criteria, and are considered a major factor contributing to the reform of former Communist countries in Eastern Europe. This influence on the internal affairs of other countries is generally referred to as "soft power", as opposed to military "hard power" (Bildt 2005). With all these conflicting topics coming up, it is indicating the border conflict and disagreement. It also involves the other trade practices that are facing hindrances from geographical boundaries with its agreements and disagreements. With the inflow and outflow of trade and the workforce the issue of immigration is also very much prominent. For the development in question; besides the CFSP, the Commission also has its own representation in international organisations. This is primarily through the European Commissioner for External Relations, who works alongside the High Representative. In the UN the EU has gained influence in areas such as aid due to its large contributions in that field. In the G8, the EU has rights of membership besides chairing or hosting summit meetings and is represented at meetings by the presidents of the Commission and the Council. In the World Trade Organisation (WTO), where all 27 member states are represented, the EU as a body is represented by Trade Commissioner. Since the relations with neighbouring states have normalised somewhat since the breakup of Yugoslavia. Work has begun bilaterally and within the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe since 1999 on political and economic cooperation in the region. As the countries under scanner; Croatia and Italy continue to debate bilateral property and ethnic minority rights issues stemming from border changes after World War II. There are a number of people who are Italian citizens but who had previously been citizens of Yugoslavia before they were exiled shortly after World War II; known as the esuli (exiles) or optanti (volunteers). A later contract between SFR Yugoslavia and Italy prevented the restitution of their property since a deal was made that treated this seized property as war reparations. Simultaneously, Croatias membership bid is also standing on the reinforcement of the countrys institutions, electoral reform, increases in funding for the countrys Constitutional Court and Ombudsman, and specially the development in question with the member nation like Italy are the improvements in minority rights and the return and integration of refugees, which facilitated the closure of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europes Croatian Mission in late 2007. Nevertheless, there are now at least two groups of people dissatisfied with the situation: people who were exiled during a period not covered by the aforementioned agreement (post 1956?) who demand that their property be returned the people who were exiled and/or their children who wish to buy real-estate in the same areas, if not the same buildings or land. Neither of these is allowed to pursue these actions legally in Croatia. And this may effect or also may delay the enlargement process of development of Croatia to EU league. Another problem that have arose a couple of years ago deals with the fishing zones in the Adriatic Sea. Italy denies the right of Croatia to proclaim its own fishing zone before January 1st 2008, because that would break an earlier agreement with Italy and Slovenia, leading to international border conflict and disagreement hampering trade flow, which rather tends to be smooth and multiply in outcome as per the concept of the common league. At the same time Italy, without breaking the agreement, has proclaimed its own zone (Southeast European Time 2007). As the boundary conflict is taking a larger picture, a furious row is raging across the Adriatic over the Second World War after the presidents of Croatia and Italy traded accusations of racism and barbarism. Italian diplomats called off visits to Zagreb and summoned the Croatian ambassador in Rome for a stiff talking-to; and the Italian Prime Minister, Romano Prodi, attacked Croatia after its president, Stipe Mesic, accused his Italian counterpart of racism and trying to rewrite history. The development in question has come to an ordeal to balance the history with the development leading to a new perspective. As border nations Croatia and Slovenia were stunned by a speech by Italys president, Giorgio Napolitano devoted to the suffering of Italians in former Yugoslavia towards the end of the Second World War. But now it is to understand that Croatia has different entity should be addressed accordingly to solve the past but not to bring out old wounds that will hamper the present and the path to future. Describing the pogroms of Italians by Yugoslav communist partisans as "the barbarism of the century", "ethnic cleansing" and a campaign of annexation of Italian territory fuelled by "Slav bloodthirsty hatred and rage", Mr. Napolitano stirred a storm of controversy and appeared to raise questions about Croatias bid to join the European Union. Mr. Prodi and his foreign minister, Massimo DAlema waded into the row, with Italian officials implying that while Italy had faced up to its fascist past, Croatia had yet to do so. "We dont need any lessons in fascism from Italy," quipped a Croatian politician after Mr. Mesic said the Italian statesmans speech smacked of "open racism, historical revisionism, and political revanchism". The dispute has to do with the pogroms and population shifts enforced at the end of the Second World War all across central Europe, but it also touches on sensitive current property claims and compensation demands. Just as millions of Germans were thrown out of central and eastern Europe and many of them killed when the Third Reich collapsed, so, after the fall of Mussolini and the capitulation of Italy, were Italian fascist occupiers and indigenous Italian communities expelled from the eastern Adriatic - the areas of Dalmatia and Istria that belonged to Yugoslavia and now form parts of Croatia and Slovenia. Thus, the unsaid indications are due to understand that the harshness towards Croatia is actually not to Croatia, but the Croatian act of sheltering the exiled Fascist from Italy had made Croatia a kind of foe or insecurity to Italy making the relation sour. A strong indication is put to comprehend the fact that in this region a mass illegal immigration is taking place or has already taken. Thus the question lurch that how the free transport concept of EU will affect it further. It is estimated that 150,000 Italians were booted out by vengeful communist partisans under Josip Broz Tito, and that 15,000 were killed. Many of the corpses were dumped in the thousands of caves that perforate the limestone karst of Dalmatia and Istria. Mussolinis fascist movement had annexed the eastern Adriatic before the war and occupied it during the war. Mr. Napoletano further outraged the Croats by conferring a medal on an Italian fascist governor of a stretch of Dalmatia who was executed in 1947 after being tried for war crimes by the Yugoslavs (Traynor 2007). Nations were surprised by the strength of the language used by both sides, since both presidents are former communists with roots in the wartime partisan movements who fought guerrilla wars was against the fascists. Thus, in some corner both the nations share a same part of attitude which can be leveraged in a peaceful manner with a bigger picture of future for both. Similar rows are currently simmering between Germany and Poland since a German lobby has gone to the European court to reclaim property lost at the end of the war. But the German government opposes the German claims and distances itself from the German lobby. Observers noted that had a German president accused Poland of barbarism and bloodlust, as Mr. Napoletano had accused the "Slavs", the international impact would have been immense. Despite of the abuse the Germans have set the example of peace and being generous at the verge of an epic development. Likewise, it remains the responsibility of the Government up to a large extent to control the lobbies from these kinds of confrontation that raptures any possibilities of development. The issue of Italian suffering at the end of the war in former Yugoslavia was covered under the carpet for decades. But couple of years ago, the rightwing Berlusconi government in Rome established a day of remembrance for the victims, and last year a publicly funded Italian feature film on the events was screened to huge impact in Italy, Croatia, and Slovenia. In former Yugoslavia, the film was seen as a sentimental outrage that falsified history, demonised "Slavs", and failed to provide any context for the revenge meted out against the Italians. Italian officials have made it clear that Croatia could run into problems with its EU bid unless it is more accommodating towards Italy. Zagreb fears it may face demands either to return or sell property in what are now much coveted holiday hotspots in Dalmatia and Istria, thus losing a portion of national income rather the income from tourists. Alas, the development in question has made the development a question itself! On the contrary France shares a healthy relation with Croatia, which may be possible due to the remote accessibility of borders and a controlled immigration activity. As a support, the French ambassador in Zagreb said, Irelands rejection of the Lisbon treaty will not slow down Croatias accession talks during Frances EUs presidency. "The French presidency has no intentions to slow down membership talks because of the failure in Ireland," Ambassador François Saint-Paul told journalists. In June Irish voters rejected the reform treaty aimed at streamlining EU institutions to cope with European Union expansion. French President Nicolas Sarkozy, whose country on July 1 took over six-month EU presidency, cast doubts on the planned entry of the most advanced candidate Croatia because of the Irish vote. But, the French diplomat said that Paris hoped that most of the remaining 15 of 35 chapters in talks with Croatia would be opened during its presidency. "The pace of talks will principally depend on your efforts. It is our wish to open all or most of the remaining chapters," he said, adding that they "could be the difficult chapters." He also stressed that the crisis within the EU sparked by the Irish No "should not put a brake on the reforms in Croatia." Croatian leaders said they were confident that the current crisis would not jeopardize the countrys plans to join the bloc (EUbusines 2008). Unlike Italy the French Government is rather tackling the Irish blockades in the northwestern frontier in Europe. In comparison, it is a development sign than that of Italy that has brought many obstacles to the mutual development to EU. Croatia is set to become the EUs 28th member in 2010. Looking at cumulative flows from 2004 to 2006, French investment accounted for 34% of EU direct investment in Croatia. Thus, the country is receiving the commercial help in turns of FDI which can multiply the GDP of Croatia. This can also equates the status of the country amongst the other EU nations. The French endeavor is making the Croatian economic backbone strong enough to fight for its other social factors mostly like the Immigration issues. Austria and Hungary were the second and third largest EU investors, accounting for 24% and 13% respectively. France, with more than EUR 1 bn, significantly increased its investment in 2006, making it the main investor. One contributory deal that can be mentioned is the acquisition of HVB Splitska Banka dd by Societé Générale SA, France in 2006. In contrast, Austria was the main EU investor in Croatia in 2004 and 2005, but recorded a disinvestment of EUR 113 mn in 2006 (Eurostat 2008). Hence, a retrospective view on the whole issue of EU with its Croatian accession to it and the question that has posed in development among other nations like Italy has show a feelings of integration or a national integration while dealing with Croatia over the matter of EU. But on comparison France has tendered a helping hand leaving the conservative attitude of integration. It has understood the meaning of expanding and developing through that expansion. Croatia is hanging between the balance of hatred and help; but it should be EU’s effort to practice the court power to handle this kind of issues or litigations over the border conflicts and that can only adjust the population diversity of EU under one league. The combined population of all 27 member countries has been estimated at 495,128,529 in January 2007, this in comparison to approximately 710 million Europeans on the continent as a whole. There is some increase in population expected, primarily due to net immigration, present in most European countries. The EUs population is 7.3% of the world total, yet the EU covers just 3% of the earths land, amounting to a population density of 114 /km² (300 /sq mi) (2006) making the EU one of the most densely populated regions of the world. One third of EU citizens live in cities of over a million people, rising to 80% living in urban areas generally. The EU is home to more global cities than any other region in the world. It contains 16 cities with populations of over one million. Besides many large cities, the EU also includes several densely populated regions that have no single core but have emerged from the connection of several cites and are now encompassing large metropolitan areas. The largest are Rhine-Ruhr having approximately 10.5 million inhabitants. Randstad, approx. 7 millions, the Flemish diamond, urban area in between Antwerp, Brussels, Leuven and Ghent, approx. 5.5 million inhabitants, and the Upper Silesian Industrial Region approx. 3.5 million. In a rich region of the planet like this, different kinds of conflict are expected over different issues but the onus goes to the judgment bodies of the league to provide a matured and long lasting answer in the name of harmony. 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