The Causes and Consequences of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict - Term Paper Example

Introduction The Middle East is in the sphere of strategic interests of different countries because of geopolitical, economic, religious and other factors. As a consequence, the main challenge in this regard is the development and strengthening of mutually beneficial relations with all countries in the region. Military-political and economic situation in the Middle East are largely influenced by the state of the world market for energy and weapons, the situation in intercivilizational relations. The settlement of the conflict between Palestine and Israel is one of the priorities of the foreign policy of the USA, as the only solution to this problem will help move towards achieving the main goal - the development and implementation of a regional security system in the Middle East with the participation of all countries in the region, which would include safeguards to ensure equal military security, the establishment of a zone free of nuclear weapons. This work is devoted to the study of the causes and consequences of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it provides an overall assessment of the situation in the Middle East, examines the basic components of conflict are addressed and possible solutions to conflicts. 1. In early 1948, the Arabs were more than two-thirds of the population of Mandatory Palestine, in their private property was a large part of Palestinian land. The demographic situation has completely changed in less than a year as a result of mass migration of the Arab population during the first Arab-Israeli war. One of its consequences was the problem of Palestinian refugees, separated, living in neighboring states, and lacking a large part of his property (Medzini, 1967). Palestinian Arabs are not only internally displaced persons as a result of redistribution of the world in the XX century, but their problem is unique. Account for only two per cent of the total number of refugees moving through the world after the Second World War, they have still not changed their status. The Arabs of Palestine became the only community whose fate has managed the international community by tightening the solution of the problem for many decades (Laufer,1997). The Palestinian paradox is more surprising because the Palestinian Arabs have similar language, religion, level of social development and in part - of national identity with the people most of the States in which they arrived. However, the only country that agreed to the naturalization of Palestinian refugees, it was Jordan. The rest of the Arab countries for decades, continued to keep the Palestinians in the disempowered situation in refugee camps. The UN, which failed to prevent the first Arab-Israeli war, was faced the large-scale humanitarian and social problem. A hope for a quick settlement was soon dispelled, the problem of Palestinian refugees annually from all over the exigencies raised in the agenda, but its search for genuine solutions continues to this day. The arguments were also about the historical rights of the Jewish or Arab people in Palestine. Thus, according to Arab leaders to end the First World War, its territory was an integral part of the surrounding Arab world. The representatives of Israel, in turn, argued that never before has there been such that no Jews lived in Palestine, which never managed Arabs. After 1967, there were many talks about Palestinian refugees and the Palestinian people, moving from requirements to carry out their return to Israel to the requirements of establishing a Palestinian state (Laufer,1997). Palestinian refugees constitute a unique political and social phenomenon. The problem has long been beyond the scope of settlement and resettlement of people deprived of their homes during military action, and affects a large ethnic community, whose members are descendants of refugees, the whole nation, not with the state. It is not a secret that water, not only the oil is one of the hidden drivers of the endless conflict in the region. This distribution of water, but not land, is one of the most likely causes of the next war. Israels occupation of Arab territories has led to a huge number of economic and political problems. Question of equitable redistribution of water resources in the region is that part of any problem between Israel and Arab countries. 2. Pragmatic political interests of the United States in Jerusalem consisted of the following considerations: 1. The desire to preserve Jerusalem as a separate unit under the control of the UN. Because the U.S. has been influential in the UN force, it would strengthen the U.S. position. 2. The gradual realization of that the preservation of Jerusalem under the supervision of UN military intervention will require a peacekeeping force and the serious financial injections. At the same time the U.S. had no desire to assume responsibility for either the first or the second. Middle East, because of its geopolitical significance, traditionally takes one of the priority directions in the U.S. foreign policy. The significance of the Middle East for the United States can be attributed to several interrelated factors: geopolitical, economic, ideological, etc. This determines the fact that the Middle East is part of the region, with priority for American strategic interests, and the USA begin to act, as factor of internal processes in a number of countries. As the most powerful state in the world the U.S. had a significant influence on the processes taking place in the Middle East. Therefore, the analysis of American policy in the Middle East, its frameworks and mechanisms for implementation, it is important for understanding the processes occurring in the region and to assess their impact on the world of power. 3. Between Turkey and the Middle East there is cultural proximity, rooted in the past. However, a fact that has developed in recent years plays an important role in fostering this development. This fact is linked to the popularity enjoyed by Turkish movies and TV series in the Arab world. In position of Turkey, demonstrated in recent years in the Middle East, to the fore is the notion of "soft power". Briefly, this concept can be described as the provision of the influence of one political actor to another, through the use of cultural tools. This force comes from the appeal of culture and politics of any country. In the case of application of the concept in international relations, it can be divided into three areas - culture, political values and foreign policy. On this basis, we can explain the fact that Turkey has become a center of attraction for the Middle East, by the next fact. First of all, Turkey is the only Muslim country carrying out negotiations with the EU on membership in the organization. In this regard, Turkey is the most important example of how Western political values can be applied in Muslim society. Secondly, Turkey, due to its relation to the occupation of Iraq in 2003, attracted the confidence of countries in the region. Thirdly, the economic potential of Turkey is the interest for the local countries. Fourthly, the mediation role that Turkey plays in foreign policy, increases the credibility of the country and its credibility. And finally it must be said that until recently it was impossible to say that Turkey had a good image in the Middle East. However, due to political, economic and cultural convergence that took place in recent days, it is possible to talk about the increasing "soft power" of Turkey in the region. Naturally, this process should be supported and other civil society actors. Non-governmental organizations have played a big role in breaking stereotypes and building bridges between people with a common culture, history and heritage. 4. Strengthening of Islamism is directly linked to the decline of "classical" pan-Arabism. Currently, the influence of Islamists everywhere expanding, sometimes the movement is the common language of Arab nationalism, but in most cases, these two forces in conflict and confronted with each other. Since the revolution in Iran, Islamic fundamentalism has become more famous for the West, rather than pan-Arabism. In 1980, world attention was during the long months riveted on the fate of American hostages in Iran; television drama that aired daily from distant embassy in millions of homes. Since then, Islamic fundamentalism in the West is perceived as a reckless, dangerous and disgusting force. In the U.S. and other western countries, seriously apply to Iranian threats to destroy Israel and the West in general. By the same threats of the Arab nationalists, it is accepted to treat with irony and disdain, it is believed that this is just propaganda rhetoric and saber-rattling. That is why Palestinian Islamic movement is considered to be the real threat to Israel and an obstacle to peace. Declarative goal of Islamic fundamentalist is establishing the power of Islam throughout the world through holy war (jihad) against the infidels. However, the practical aim of the Islamists is not the surrounding non-Islamic world, which is strong enough to reflect a direct threat, and the Muslim government. Fundamentalists seeking to overthrow the "heretical" regimes in all the 40 Muslim countries in order to replace these government entities united religious Islamic state. Direct subversion of Islamists is directed primarily against the secular Arab regimes, including - against the nationalist governments that share the ideology of pan-Arabism. Not surprisingly, therefore, that the secular Arab regimes are trying to crush all the forces of Islamic fundamentalism; tens of thousands of Islamists arrested, tortured and executed all over the Arab world. It should be noted that in the center of each civilization is religion, defining the lifestyle of its followers. Even more so this applies to Islam - the regulator of all spheres of Muslim. We can say that at this moment regions the traditional distribution of Islam in the world is going through a difficult period in its development. At such times, people usually turn to the fundamental principles of any religion or political philosophy (Shelly, 2003). Islam is a very "strong" religion, is not reduced only to belief in God. Like other world religions, it is a way of life, way of thinking, in fact - the foundation of a civilization. This religion, which is systemic in nature, defines every aspect of life people in the Muslim community from birth until death, determining the social behavior. In this regard, it is necessary reservation that the term itself - «Islamic extremism» - from a scientific point of view is not correct. This, of course, is extremism that uses Islam as a religious ideology. In this regard, the identification of extremism (Islamic extremism), with Islamic fundamentalism, or even with Islamism is wrong. On the other hand, in the future, we are not just going to say that Islam, as a whole religion is not separated from politics. Moreover, it penetrates all forms of public consciousness. And from that point of view, extremism can be a Muslim. Study of the problem of Islamic extremism requires a special balance and thoroughness, fairness from the scientific point of view approach. This is due primarily to the delicate issue of the feelings of believers. The increases of the political role of Islam in the 70-80-years is associated with such factors as the prolonged military confrontation with Israel, nominated Islamic traditions, as opposed to the Zionist ideology. To revive the "Renaissance" trends has such a negative phenomenon in the political life of some Arab countries, such as the suppression of leftist forces, the orientation of the official ideology in the cultivation of identity, tradition as a counterweight to the "communist influences". The end of the XX century was marked by several changes in the world of Islam (Shelly, 2003). The islamization of policies and politicization of Islam: a political act, if not explicitly, then implicitly refers to this doctrine, as it is increasingly becoming a political doctrine. To reinforce its internal and foreign policy dogmas of religion tries vast majority the ruling regimes of the East. Collaborating with the state religious leaders finds extensive dogmatic justification of political slogans. Often in opposition to the government of religious and political organizations make their own programs to reconstruct the society on the principles of Islam. The terms as "Islamic fundamentalism", "Islamism" should be clarified. The term "fundamentalism" in religious terms was first used, as is known, with respect to one of the conservative trends in American Protestantism which arose at the beginning of the XX century. With regard to Islam, the term "fundamentalism" is used to describe a number of motions calling for strict adherence to Islamic norms and values. In the Muslim world, there is no commonly accepted word. To my mind it would be wrong to confuse the concepts of Islamic extremism and fundamentalism. Extremism is the forms through which identifies itself to a particular social group, or a movement, trying to export and impose an Islamic way of life, the Islamic model, sometimes with the use of armed force. Islamic fundamentalism is not only one of the contemporary philosophical currents, aimed at restoring the role of Islam in society, and even more so, not only calling for a return to the social structure during the rule of the righteous caliphs. Islamic fundamentalism is also an attempt to formulate and implement a religious-political concept of an Islamic way of development, an alternative to the path taken by the modern [Islamic] civilization. It must be clearly aware of the fact that fundamentalism of any faith, under certain conditions (primarily socio-political plan) may be the ideological basis for the politicization of religion, the emergence of religious extremism. The problem is that «organizations, which arise as a religion, because the internal logic of its development, moving away from the original ideological attitudes, and even of religion» (Shelly, 2003). Obviously, the movement of political Islam is not so, because as his ideology advocated Islamic fundamentalism. The case quickly to the question of authority, ie the establishment of a truly Islamic state. In this sense, it is not so much about the religious and ideological movements, but rather on a political phenomenon. Islamism is taken as political Islam by the most of scientists. The representatives of this trend "will require changes in the place and role of religion in society, rejecting the dominant ideology, the political practices of the regime and the nation-state as the standards of the Muslim religion". Thus, if the fundamentalists (especially theologians) have in mind the model of society, while the Islamists (policy) - a model of state. Islam, despite the stereotypes, is democratic in its essence. However, it should be noted that when defining a clear role of the Muslim community, it is quite suspicious about the concept of political democracy, as it seems to attempt to extol the power of human damage power of God. 5. Islamic extremism, the extreme expression of which is terrorism under the banner of the Muslim, has in recent years an increasing influence on political life. As to what forces behind this phenomenon and what are its ultimate goals, there are different views. But the withdrawal of its focus on Islamic ideological postulates is difficult to refute. Indeed, the immediate impact of the leaders and masterminds of Muslim radicals is largely determined by the fact that they pretend to be the true followers of Islam and advocates the embodiment of his ideals in life. It is therefore not fully agree with the assertion that terrorism is not related to religion. To separate the words Islam and terrorism is not difficult, but in reality everything is much more complicated. States that Islam has nothing to do with the modern international terrorism, his wishes for reality. Islamic extremists believe in their right hands over all the violence, who are not subordinate to the will of Allah, including over the Muslims, do not share their views. To justify such a law is used, in particular, a well-known concept of implementing prescribed and suppress prohibited. This principle is enshrined in a number of Quranic verses, for example: "I formed of you a community that will appeal to the good, encourage prescribed and alienate the forbidden" (3:104). The execution of this duty is seen in the following words of Prophet Muhammad: "If anyone of you sees something prohibited by the Shariah, then change his own hand, and if not able to do this by hand, then stop the sin of their own language, and if they do not can, at least his heart, and this will be the weakest expression of faith. " To justify their actions, terrorists choose the first part of the speech: to prevent deviations from the hand of Sharia, that is, by force. And it comes to violence not only against non-Muslims or the government, non-compliance with the Shariah, but also to co-religionists, ostensibly retired from Islam. Note that apostasy one of the serious offenses for which the Sharia provides for the death penalty. Permeated the concept of Islamic extremists accused of unbelief and so dangerous that justifies the possibility and even the need for the brutal massacre of those who are assigned to an apostate. Therefore, some terrorists are killed in disbelief, others - for a way out of Islam, while the authorities they attacked the fact that they ignore the Sharia in their extremist interpretation. Conclusion The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a clash of the two territorial entities, ethnic communities for the right to build their monocultural country and its universal acceptance. Given the historic controversy arose, there are three forms of relations between the parties to the conflict: strong world, opened a large-scale war, an intermediate state, characterized by short bursts of struggle and attempts to reconcile the opposing parties to settle the dispute. Outdoor large-scale war, involving a significant number of forces on both sides to a final resolution of controversies - is theoretically possible, but in practice such an outcome seems unlikely. First, because the scope of conflict beyond the immediate parties involved and other countries, as incumbents of the border areas, and at a considerable distance from it. Secondly, there are currently open for large-scale opposition to Israels Palestinian Authority does not possess a sufficient degree of consolidation of forces. And thirdly, the very purpose of the final settlement of conflicts is unattainable. The second option is theoretically possible to resolve the conflict is to create a strong world, which significantly impeded the reluctance of Arab political elites to compromise in any way. In such situations, the conclusion of peace in the long term is achieved either a complete depletion of both parties that, in contemporary international including financial support from the two countries is unlikely, or the destruction of one of the parties to the conflict that once again in the foreseeable future, it is impossible for several reasons. The Palestinian-Israeli relations are bound to exist between the strong and open the world of large-scale war. In this regard, the U.S. should play a more active role in the «quartet», including the Russian Federation the UN and the European Union and set up for the settlement of this conflict. References Leopold Yehuda Laufer. The EU and Israel: a political and institutional appraisal. – Jerusalem, - 1997. - 144р. Medzini M. Israels Foreign Relations. Selected Documents, 1947–1974. – Jerusalem: Ministry for Foreign Affairs, - 1976. – 336р. Nazmi Jubeh. The Palestinian refugee problem and the final status negotiations // Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics and Culture, Vol. 9, - 2002. - № 2. - Р. 5–11. Sala I.M. Comment 1Europe peut faire pression sur Israel// Le Monde Diplomatique, - 1998 - № 532. – Р.108-122 Shelly Fried. The Refugee Issue at the Peace Conferences, 1949–2000 // Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics and Culture, Vol. 9, - 2002. - № 2. - Р. 31-47. The Palestine Refugee Problem. A New Approach and a Plan for a Solution. – New-York: Institute for Mediterranean Affairs, - 1958. - Р. 61-73. Read More