Comparative European Political Systems - Essay Example

COMPARATIVE EUROPEAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS By Name Course Instructor Institution City/State Date Comparative European Political Systems Introduction Early in the 20th century, Europe experienced the most disastrous warfare in the history of mankind, which was the pinnacle of decades of bitter economic as well as political rivalries between the Europe states. Fast forward, the states of Western and Eastern Europe have united into a continental-scale political system, wherein particular judicial, legislative and executive powers are pooled collectively at the European level. The choices of national governments are deeply inhibited by the EU decisions and rule. Still, the EU has some problems; for instance, making decisions amongst the member states is very challenging, and its democratic foundations are still weak. Yet, the European Union is the most noteworthy political achievements in the contemporary society. Its single market has facilitated the economic success of nearly 500 million people and has also offered consumption, investment, lifestyle, travel and educational opportunities. According to Bolleyer et al. (2014, p.368), the lower-level governments in Europe such as the United Kingdom and Italy have become more powerful. On the other hand, the EU has been understood increasingly as a multi-level governance system, which has continually deviated from the intergovernmental structure that was initially predominantly. In Europe, political parties are incessantly on the spot, because of the changes in politics, technologies and societies altogether. Currently, Europe as mentioned by Hartleb (2012, p.277), is verging on a new environment, which is transforming the face of political parties. The one-size-fits-all model of right and left has crumbled as electorates across Europe support different parties that mirror their specific ideas and beliefs; therefore, this comparative essay seeks to compare and contrast the party politics in Germany and Spain. Main Body Germany, as stated by Detterbeck (2008, p.28), pioneered the public ways into the political money in Germany, the political parties are considered to be the self-proclaimed beneficiaries of the subsidies provided by the state. Despite the constitutional constraints in Germany, the political parties depend heavily on the public money, especially at the national party levels where a high percentage of their budget is sourced from the state subsidies. Still, patterns of the coalition politics, party competition and party system have significantly changed. This was attributed mainly by the unification of eastern and western Germany as well as the advent of two distinct party systems. The western part of Germany developed the four-party system, two of which were larger political actors (Social Democrats (SPD) as well as Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU)) and the other two were less represented parties (the Green Party and Liberals (FDP)). On the other hand, the Eastern part of Germany had a three-party system with all the actors being very strong: SPD, CDU as well as the socialist PDS. The high number of political parties led to different coalition strategies and options for the parties. Besides that, social change in Germany has resulted in the rise of mobile voters with no established attachments to a specific party and has also led to new lines of conflict, which generated new political parties like the Electoral Alternative, the Greens and many others. These new parties merged with the socialist PDS in 2007 to create a new party (Debus, 2009, p.282). The WASG emergence, as well as the difficulties experienced by SPD in rallying its voter base at the time of Chancellor Gerhard Schroder’s ‘red–green’ government, exhibits the relevance as well as the emergence of new issues. Furthermore, the positions of parties as well as voters, have shifted because of issues like social and economic affairs. Numerous members of the SPD joined the Linke or the WASG citing that their programmatic profile had been changed by the Social Democrats to an extent that their interests were no longer represented by the party. Unlike in Germany, political parties in Spain are present in parliaments, governments and working committees and their goal is to influence the process of decision-making in different arenas. The territorial reforms are extracted from the central government by the regional parties in exchange for acquiring the majorities in the parliament. Political parties that have regional votes’ concentration are mostly favoured by the Spanish electoral system; therefore, both the minority right-wing and left-wing central governments depend on the nationalist parties’ parliamentary support so as to successfully formulate important policies outcome (Muro, 2009, p.454). Spanish Socialist Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Espan˜ol (PSOE)) and the Popular Party (Partido Popular (PP)) are the main parties that have sought favour from small parties with the goal of furthering the autonomy. Similar to Germany, Spain has many political parties, but the inter-party coalition-building and bargaining between Spanish governments and the regional elites is prevalent in Spain than in Germany. Spanish major political parties the PSOE and PP have continually managed the devolution open-ended nature in a different way because of their different federalism views. The party system in Germany, which is a model of predictable coalition options as well as the formation of an efficient government, has been redefined (Poguntke, 2014, p.950). In the German party system, the strategies for coalition seem to be more complicated than the Spanish party system; for instance, the German parties must announce their readiness to join the coalition prior to the election. Besides that, the coalition strategies are complicated by the interrelations and interactions between regional and federal politics. Currently, the left-wing has not shown any willingness to the SPD to form a coalition and this has prevented the Greens from moving to the centre-right camp (Decker & Volker Best, 2011, p.2). The political parties’ system in Spain has been complicated by the existence of regional parties, which are active both at the national level and at the regional level (Krieger, 2013, p.407). In Spain, the PSOE have control in most regions. Still, most regional offshoots have been forced to enter into a coalition with the local parties so as to be able to govern. The Catalonia and Basque Country are only regions with strong regional parties capable of setting a political agenda. In these two regions, the right-wing parties have consistently won parliamentary seats and the Convergence and Union (CiU) has been performing well in the Catalonia regional elections without the help of the coalition partners. Generally, the main parties in Germany and Spain are characterised by moderation and pragmatism while small parties are beset by political ferocity, fragmentation, and polarisation. In Spain, coalition strategies are somehow less complicated as compared to the German political system. Most German and Spanish parties make coalition statements before elections (Decker & Best, 2011, p.7). In Germany, only a constructive vote of no confidence can be used to dismiss the Chancellor, whereby alternative named Chancellor gets a majority support. This has happened twice in 1972 as well as 1982, and the latter was successful. Although the confidence vote was conceived in Germany, it is also used in Spain. Besides that, the Constitutional Federal Court in Germany has the legal power of outlawing the political parties, especially those with ideas and activities that violate the free democratic order. Similarly, parties in Spain are outlawed for conducting activities that are deemed to be against democracy. The difference is attributed to the fact that parties in Spain are permitted to possess anti-democratic ideas provided that they do not lead into action. In 1949, Germany adopted the German Constitution; thus, becoming the first country in Europe that had a constitution recognising the need for developing a democracy for self-protection from anti-democratic actors. When a party in Germany is declared by the Constitutional Federal Court as unconstitutional, then it is dissolved immediately. Still, if the party members have not engaged in felonious actions, then they cannot be charged. Political parties’ bans in Germany are particularly sensitive considering that during the reign of Hitler all other parties apart from Nazi Party were declared illegal (Trönnberg, 2013, p.36). Hitherto, the constitutional court has only banned two parties the German Communist Party as well as the SRP (the successor of Nazi party). In 2001, the government attempt to ban the NPD failed; thus, proving that it is not easy to outlaw a party in Germany with no substantial evidence. In Spain, anti-democratic ideas are tolerated, but translating the ideology into action can result in the outlawing of a party. In this case, the members of the party demonstrate their support for a particular political project through actions such as attending the funeral of a political leader. This may as well include failure to participate in the memorial ‘minute of silence’ as well as reluctance to condemn political violence acts. In Spain, a party is not outlawed because of its identity or anti-democratic ideology, but instead, due to anti-democratic activity. In Germany, motions on outlawing a particular political party can be taken to the constitutional court by many institutions (the federal government, the cabinet, or the cabinet), but in Spain the motion is taken to the Supreme Court by either the office of the Public Prosecutor or the government. Still, in case the Senate or the Congress of Deputies wants a particular party to be banned, the government is obliged to follow. Similarly to Germany, when the Supreme Court declares a particular political party unlawful, then the party is dissolved immediately. In Spain, however, the party’s assets are taken by the government for humanitarian as well as social purposes. Akin to Germany, the Spanish anti-democratic parties’ regulation is sourced from the fear of the past dictatorship for of governance. In 2002, Spain adopted La Ley Orgánica de los Partidos Políticos (LOPP), a new party law with the goal of directing the extreme left together with its connections against to the terrorist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), which is a terrorist group. So far, the LOPP has resulted in the outlawing of thirteen parties, nearly all belonging to the Basque extreme left due to their connections with ETA. For this reason, some political parties that belong to the Basque extreme left have opposed violence with the goal of exhibiting that they are not successors of Batasuna. Although Spanish parties do not have to openly denounce violence so as to be legitimised, the new LOPP law does not allow them to offer or express tactical support to radicalism as well as terrorism. The political party systems in both Germany and Spain are have been upset by the smaller parties’ strength. This has resulted in the emergence of new politics wherein old allegiances have tattered; trust of voters in political parties is crumbling, and political identities are blurred. The process of fragmentation in German and Spanish mainstream parties has resulted in a wake-up call given that the social cohesion that creates the foundation of these countries is basically under fire. The political parties that were once-dominant in Germany and Spain have seen their support fragment. Conclusion In conclusion, the one-size-fits-all model of right and left has crumbled as electorates across Europe support different parties that mirror their specific ideas and beliefs; therefore, the comparative essay has compared and contrasted the party politics in Germany and Spain. As mentioned in the essay, groups are splitting away from the main parties with the goal of re-establishing the conservative or social democratic agenda. Anti-democratic ideologies as well as activities, are regulated have resulted in stricter regulation of parties in Germany as compared to Spain. Still, Germany has successfully outlawed only two parties that are deemed anti-democratic while Spain has outlawed thirteen parties that have links with ETA. Furthermore, Germany and Spain see political parties differently; for instance, political parties in Germany are seen as threatening and dangerous, and this made the state espouse a strict party regulation. On the other hand, Spain has in the past been under dictatorship leadership; therefore, Spanish political parties are not associated with danger as the Germans do. As a result, Spain the constitutional regulation of parties in Spain is not as strong as that in Germany. As evidenced in the essay, there is a profound political transformation in both Germany and Spain. The traditional programmatic parties have progressively succumbed to the situational and new political players. The new populist politics have eliminated the need for stable loyalties as well as coherent party platforms. References Bolleyer, N., Swenden, W. & McEwen, N., 2014. A theoretical perspective on multi-level systems in Europe: Constitutional power and partisan conflict. Comparative European Politics, vol. 12, pp.367–83. Debus, M., 2009. Analysing Party Politics in Germany with New Approaches for Estimating Policy Preferences of Political Actors. German Politics, vol. 18, no. 3, pp.281-300. Decker, F. & Best, V., 2011. Lost in the New Five-Party System? Coalition Options and Strategies of the German Social Democratic Party in the Run-up to the 2013 Federal Elections. Policy Paper. Berlin: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung International Policy Analysis. Detterbeck, K., 2008. Party Cartel and Cartel Parties in Germany. German Politics, vol. 17, no . 1, pp.27 - 40. Hartleb, F., 2012. All tomorrow’s parties: the changing face of European party politics. European View, vol. 11, no. 2, pp.277-77. Krieger, J., 2013. The Oxford Companion to Comparative Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Muro, D., 2009. Territorial Accommodation, Party Politics, and Statute Reform in Spain. South European Society & Politics, vol. 14, no. 4, pp.453–68. Poguntke, T., 2014. Towards a new party system: The vanishing hold of the catch-all parties in Germany. Party Politics, vol. 20, pp.950-63. Trönnberg, F., 2013. State Regulation of Anti-Democratic Parties -A Comparative Study of Germany, Spain and Sweden. Thesis. Linköping, Sweden: Linköping University. Read More