Sex, Gender and Sexuality in Japanese History - Essay Example

Introduction Shifts that are made in gender identity and sexuality include more components than the basic expectations within society. Gender roles which women and men choose to take shape and form the boundaries within culture and society and shape the rules and expectations that are surrounding gender identity. When looking at different time frames of Japanese history, it can be noted that the concept of gender identity alters according to conventions of gender identity and constructing ideologies in relation of human sexuality. The result is a definition of what gender means as well as marginalized behaviors that become a construction of what it means to be sexual. Looking at trends in society and culture further the construction and boundaries that define gender and sexuality. The Taisho Period is one of the areas in Japanese history that shows the changing boundaries that are related to sexual construction and marginalization. Forming Identity in the Taisho Period The Taisho Period is defined as the Japanese era of 1900 – 1930. During this time frame, there was a shift from traditional concepts to modernization of Japan into a world entity. Influences from global regions of the world, such as Western versus Eastern cultures were one of the changes which were made. These influences were followed by the political and economic opening between Japan and Western countries, such as trades and agreements between the two nations. There were further relations from the war, which created a direct influence over the two opposing countries. The political and economic affiliations led into an openness of both countries where an exchange of social ideas began to be constructed, specifically by creating a sense of popular culture, technology, Western modernism and national identity. These various influences moved into an impact over several in Japan when questioning gender identity and the relationship which one had when constructing ideas such as sexual behavior (Minichiello, 10, 1998). The development in the Taisho Period is essential when noting changes in gender identity not only because of the alterations that were associated with the modern women. There were several conflicts which were associated with identity and sexuality, specifically because of interpretations that were based on gender identity. Some were represented by the modern woman that was in Western culture while others held to traditions of Japanese women. Others created a new image of the housewife and the roles of women which combined both the modern and the traditional for a different type of representation. The concept of multiple gender identities and expression of sexuality became the main foundation for women while the public and private representations began to expand and alter, specifically because of the time frame. The changes which occurred during this time were essential as an emergence of modernism, as well as holding to traditions. The effects of identity then created several marginalized representations of gender identity, specifically which were linked to communicating a new sense of gender, specifically which merged several time frames together from Japanese history (Ashikari, 3, 2003). Constructing Gender in Japan The representation and case study which shows the construction of gender in the Taisho Period is Modern Girl as Militant. The identity shown in this case study relates to the different identities which were constructed in terms of modernism as well as through the traditional aspects from alternative time periods which were in Japan at the time. The emergence of several time frames and the influences which were associated with this then began to recreate the identity of gender and the associations with this. The first sense of identity which is created is “the modern girl,” which is often referred to as the “moga.” The moga was known for having attributes of masculinity and a gender construction which re-identified women. The attributes began with specific looks, including shorter hair, long legs and Western clothing which were worn. The characteristics were based on transformations from being traditional and within the home to carrying a sense of independence outside of men and outside of the household. The symbolism which the woman carried was based on building a new life for women in which the gender construction had a sense of equality to men and which reidentified all traditional functions (Silverberg, 53, 2006). The main attribute of the moga was not the only identity which was associated with the concepts of modernism and the new girl. Coming outside of tradition was one which was also was a part of the gender identity which was a part of this time period. The concept was associated with the traditional Japanese wear, living within a household and remaining pure and simple. This alternative life style came from the past centuries and traditions of Japan and formed a lifestyle based on the tradition of marriage and family. The characteristics of emotion, action and everyday life were based on the household figure that had a family and cared for the household. The moja opposed this with statements of anti – children and marriage while being freer in nature in terms of chastity and sexuality. These opposing identities not only emerged with the two extremes of traditional behaviors and the moga, but also became representational with gender identity that merged the two concepts, such as the schoolteacher moga and the contrast of what should be in society (Silverberg, 57, 2006). The characteristics and tone that emerged with this also led into new identities which were associated with an emergence of what potential characteristics could exist. Some of the moga behaviors led to masculine attributes, such as short hair, militant styles and acting in a masculine behavior. Other women that were modern combined the traditional behaviors with the moga, specifically by having a softer personality but still having the sense of freedom and modernity that was associated with the modern woman. The difference was in coming out of the patriarchy, specifically which was noted by an increase in women working, moving outside of the family and striking for women’s rights within the different arenas. The concept was to change the identity of women specifically because of class struggles and the bindings which were within society. The mogas were then able to move outside of gender identity which was strictly based on sexuality and creating a man’s role to using the modern woman as a way of gaining rights and establishing new cultural images that provided rights which were equal in nature. The extremities within the tradition established the new identity for social and economic reasons while creating several identities for a new class of women within the working arena (Silverberg, 60, 2006). Re-Defining the Moga The construct of the moga with several identities created a question over what popular concepts of gender could be accepted as well as how this formed other aspects of life. The different definition of gender identity began to be placed in two areas, including private and public space. In exterior spaces, there was rebuilding, modern cities and associations on a global level where the main construct. Interior spaces; however, still involved the family and traditional methods of role and belief. The gender roles, sexual practices and spatial practices followed the juxtaposed ideologies that were a part of society in this same manner where the public space moved into the moga while the private space compromised this with the traditional methods of gender. The concept of the moga then became a direct relationship to gender identity as spatial transgression, where the characteristics of both sexuality and identity altered according to the public or private area. “Spatial transgression…generated much media attention and produced various sites of abandonment, in terms of attitude to the home, language, appearance, and occupation… Space [became] a technology of gender where women created the conditions necessary for modernity in Japan, and yet from the point of view of the patriarchal state” (Munshi, 55, 2001). The concept of spatial transgression then became a specific construct of gender identity where the concept of identity and sexuality changed from the public eye to the workplace and the appearance that was withheld in both the home as well as in the public areas that were advertising a different concept of the moga. The spatial concept that defined the moga in different arenas was furthered with acts of sexuality and gender representation that were specifically related to the time frame. The concept of modernization of the woman was known to have a direct relation to the interwar years and the political and economic changes which were taking place. The Western influence came specifically because of World War I and the continuous number of soldiers that were going into international arenas, such as Japan. The war years created a response that was Western in nature and which emphasized the popular culture and the media relations to various constructs of women, such as the flappers in America. These influences created a different attitude toward the modern woman in Japan; however, the spatial influence was specifically related to the popular commentators that advertised this aspect of the moga. The adaptation of dresses, costumes and alternative roles in public, as opposed to private areas then created a different factor that was a part of the moga. The creation of the moga in the public space as well as the sexual identity which was popularized is then said to be a fantasy created through the interwar that was happening and the desire that the media and popular outlets created about Japanese women (Bruce, 5, 2006). The changes from the interwar then moved into a secondary space among urban and working women, specifically which began to alter into the new woman and the expectations in daily life and work space arenas. This moved outside of the representation from the mass media and expectations of sexuality from popular culture which was advertised through the interwar. However, women began to use the economic, technological and cultural landscape to show how the modern woman could change. The professional housewife, working woman and symbols that were consumed by society all began to become a part of the middle class society while creating new demands for equality and rights among women. Rather than have a sexual identity that was associated with the woman, there was a sense of being modern by demanding alternative working conditions while moving outside of tradition, which was based on the belief of the good wife and wise mother ideology. The characteristics of the moga in the public space then led to a change and sense of demands in terms of gender identity. Showing a sense of masculinity, characteristics of open sexuality and freedom in acts, was also a demand which was created within the working arena for the modern woman. While this may have not been prevalent in the private spaces, the demands in the working areas provided an equal balance and new expectations for gender roles within society (Sato, 143, 2005). Representation of the Moga in Popular Culture The construction which was associated with the Moga was moved into concepts of sexuality, public space and alternative work for the modern woman by popular culture representations. One of the representations which are widely known through Japan is the comic books and superheroes that emerged in forms of animation. A development in the 1930s was Norakuro – Kun, a popular dog that was required to fight in Vietnam and which became a widely spread comic through the 1930s. The comic book still exists today with the adventures of the dog and the relationships which are created to fight against war and for peace. Within this genre and the culture that has been created are specific attributes that are related to the representation of the women, always which appear as minor characters through the comic strip. The moga, even in the current issues, show the same concepts of the moga and the representation of Western fashion and style, current freedoms and a sense of being a part of the main cast. There are three characters that show the conflict of tradition and the moga style (see Appendix a). The first two are younger women and are secondary characters in each episode. The girls are both represented with short hair, long legs and contemporary wear that are in the Western style. Whenever they appear in the comic strips, they are noted as having fun and have a care free style. The level of sophistication shown is in their attitudes, which are free, aloof to the traditional lifestyle and the characteristics that move outside of the expected traditions. The third character is the older woman, or grandma of the comic strip. This is the most secondary character of the comic strip and is represented in the same respect as the younger women. The difference with this character is with the longer hair and some traditional clothing that is often worn. However, there is a slight representation of the moga style, which incorporates the dress, western wear and the freedom of character from the older woman. This represents the change that was occurring from the older time frame and which created the sense of Western style that started in the 1900s and which led to the alternative lifestyles outside of the traditional dress and character (Pierot, 2010). The concept of the characters is furthered by other anime that continues to express the same freedoms of the girls in Japan. In a 1929 production of The Black Cat, there is a representation of the war as well as the main attributes and styles of the moga. Specifically, there are men which are fighting the war and which are taking the primary responsibilities in society. The women that are surrounding this, even though they are represented by cats, show the flapper style girl, which has a sexual nature, carries a sense of freedom and has attributes that are specifically related to the freedoms of the women during this time. Whenever the cats are shown, they are not interested in work and are more care free. More important, they are able to show this freedom through the dance and the song that they are interested in. The conversations that are attributed to this are combined with the concepts of the dance that show the looser and free sexuality. In another animation on 1930, called The Bat, there is an opposing nature. The woman in this represents tradition and is seen as reserved as she uses a bat to get others outside of the home. This shows the opposing viewpoint of the comic, where the tradition and the private space is represented as not being accepted (Anime, 2010). While the concepts of the women in each of the anime comic strips may or may not have represented the women in society, it could be seen that the public space advertised the new sexual image and characteristics of the women. The concept of the women was based on aspects of publicity which came from the west and which expressed a sense of freedom for the women. The dancing, songs and the way in which each of the women were able to show a different set of attributes then provided an alternative approach to the idea of sexual image and representation of women. This contrasted with the basic concepts of women which came from the traditions which were more reserved and which created the central conflicts of tradition and representation of the moga in society. The blend of these several characteristics were then able to provide an alternative for the representation of women from several different areas of nature, specifically in relation to the public space, as opposed to the private and more traditional space. Conclusion The concepts of sexuality that are represented in each region of society have changed, specifically when looking at the alterations in Japan. The shift that occurred during the Taisho Period moved from the traditional scene to one that was represented by the Moga. The importance of this created a conflict between the moga as well as those that were holding onto the traditional roles of women as the domestic housewife in the 1930s. This became important not only because of the concepts that were a part of the traditional scene, but also because of the several representations that were associated with this. Specifically, there was a movement into the concepts of space, which was created with different aspects of freedom and new ideologies of what it meant to be a modern woman. In some respects, this was created from the influences of western society, specifically with the advertisement of free sexuality of Japanese women in society. This was furthered by the different levels of the moga that were taken into the work space and in the private areas to create contrasts between tradition and social standing of women in Japan. References Anime. 2010. Retrieved from: http://rateyourmusic.com/film_genre/Anime/. Ashikari, Mikiko. 2003. “Urban Middle Class Japanese Women and Their White Faces: Gender, Ideology, and Representation.” Ethos. (31), (1). Bruce, Lauren. 2006. “Girls Just Want to Have Fun: American and Japanese Evaluations of the Japanese Moga During the Interwar Years.” University Libraries. Minichiello, Sharon. 1998. Japan’s Competing Modernities: Issues in Culture and Democracy, 1900 – 1930. Manoa: University of Hawaii Press. Munshi, Shoma. 2001. Images of the ‘Modern Woman’ in Asia: Global Media, Local Meanings. UK: Curzon Press. Pierot. 2010. Norakuro – Kun. Retrieved from: http://pierrot.jp/index.html. Sato, Barbara. 2005. The New Japanese Woman: Modernity, Media, and Women in Interwar Japan. London: Duke University Press. Silverberg, Miriam. 2006. “Modern Girl as Militant.” Erotic Grotesque Nonsense: The Mass Culture of Japanese Modern Times. Berkeley: University of California Press. Appendix A – Characters Read More