Tracking Civilian Deaths in Afghanistan - Essay Example

Section/# Tracking Civilian Deaths in Afghanistan: Data Analysis For purposes of this response, the article entitled “tracking civilian deaths in Afghanistan” represents the analyst with something of a unique situation. Ultimately, at any point in time that data/statistics are utilized as a means of proving a particular point, the analyst must be keenly aware of the potential for bias and incorrect measurement/inference that can necessarily be drawn from this type of representation. Whereas it is true that there are differing shades of bias and that Ms. representation of data is oftentimes done without a malicious intent, or indeed without any intent at all, the article in question provides the reader with a core example of the d n which truthful numbers can be displayed and inferred from incorrectly. Accordingly, the following analysis will seek to engage the reader with an overall discussion that helps to elaborate upon the usefulness of these statistics, whether or not they might be utilized in further forms of analysis, the potential that exists for them to be much higher than is being represented, and interpretation of why all of these compliments necessarily matter. Through such a level of discussion and engagement, it is the hope of this author that the reader will be able to come to a more informed and definitive level of understanding with respect to civilian deaths within Afghanistan and the manner through which such representative data is utilized in the future. Firstly, and perhaps most importantly, the data that was represented did not start tracking the deaths caused by IEDs or suicide attacks until 2009; fully two years after the analysis was begun. This was a fundamental oversight; however, an even larger oversight was with regards to the fact that the overall civilian death toll with respect to drone strikes was not measured until 2012 (Zenko, 2014). As anyone even remotely familiar with the conflict in Afghanistan note, the lion’s share of coalition attacks over the past several years in Afghanistan have been predicated upon the backbone of drone strikes as the primary delivery mechanism. In such a way, not having representative statistics that began at the time in which the study was engaged does not provide the user with an accurate description of the way in which civilian deaths have been represented within Afghanistan during the time period in question. Additionally, a further issue that is represented within the statistics and data that are represented has to do with the fact that ground engagements and the overall civilian casualties that these have precipitated were not tracked until mid-2011. With the preclusion of data with respect to the ground engagement, drone strikes, and IED’s, at least during certain portions of the time period in question, the reader is left with incomplete data to understand whether or not these numbers are inherently lower than they should be or are representative of the overall deaths that have taken place in Afghanistan during 2007 to present. Without a thorough discussion and analysis of all causes of death within the years in question, the statistics that is somewhat meaningless (Giroux, 2012). Another salient concern that is not immediately apparent is with respect to the entity that was ultimately responsible for categorizing, defining, and tabulating this data. Ultimately, as a means of choosing an “impartial” and imminently qualified entity to perform such a task, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan was chosen. Whereas it is true that the United Nations, by its very charter, is supposed to represent an unbiased and imminently humanitarian mission, the fact of the matter is that the United Nations is effectively impacted by the largest and most powerful nations more so than places such as Afghanistan. For instance, even a cursory review of the global system denotes the fact that the United States is the predominant superpower (Gregory, 2012). Beyond merely this, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and a litany of other nations to include Australia and Canada were also involved in the mission in Afghanistan. In such a way, the overall level of bias that the United Nations assistance Mission in Afghanistan could provide is called into question (Hultman, 2012). Effectively, it can be understood that the United Nations assistance Mission in Afghanistan could have underreported the overall level of death as a means of encouraging stakeholders to continue the mission in Afghanistan without consideration for the collateral damages that were taking place. It is without question that no source of data is without its bias. In such a way, the reader should clearly understand that even though course shortcomings have been noted with respect to the information and data set that were provided within the article in question, it would have been impossible for stakeholders to find a source of data that could have completely and accurately described the situation at hand. Further, it is the interpretation of this author that even though the data was painstakingly gathered, it is impossible to represent the full scope of death Afghanistan based upon a third party such as the United Nations assistance Mission in Afghanistan. The underlying reason for this has to do with the fact that there are a litany of different difficult to reach tribal areas within Afghanistan that do not have access to relevant means of communication or media. In such a way, the overall level of understanding that can be disseminated to the outside world with regards to civilian deaths is inherently limited. Accordingly, it is the expectation of this author that the overall death toll in Afghanistan is an order of magnitude higher than is being related. Had the conflict taken place and more developed nation with a rigid level of infrastructure and education, the civilian deaths would likely have more accurately been defined and corroborated by different types of media outlets. However, as it stands, the data that is represented is forcibly represented in a way that the reader has few choices but to accept the information that they have been presented with; due to the fact that no contrary information, nor the side of those who claim death tolls to be much higher, has yet to be accurately determined. Bibliography Giroux, H 2012, Disturbing Pleasures, Third Text, 26, 3, pp. 259-273, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost, viewed 6 March 2014. Gregory, T 2012, Potential Lives, Impossible Deaths, International Feminist Journal Of Politics, 14, 3, pp. 327-347, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost, viewed 6 March 2014. Hultman, L 2012, COIN and civilian collaterals: patterns of violence in Afghanistan, 2004–2009, Small Wars & Insurgencies, 23, 2, pp. 245-263, Political Science Complete, EBSCOhost, viewed 6 March 2014. Schoenfeld, A, Nelson, J, Burks, R, & Belmont Jr., P 2013, Temporal Changes in Combat Casualties From Afghanistan by Nationality: 2006-2010, Military Medicine, 178, 4, pp. 389-393, Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost, viewed 6 March 2014. Zenko, M 2014, Politics Power and Preventative Action. 2014. Tracking Civilian Deaths in Afghanistan. [ONLINE] Available at: http://blogs.cfr.org/zenko/2014/02/10/tracking-civilian-deaths-in-afghanistan/. [Accessed 06 March 14]. Read More