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Female Genital Mutilation in the Somali Community in London and How It Affects Girls in Education - Research Proposal Example

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The paper "Female Genital Mutilation in the Somali Community in London and How It Affects Girls in Education" describes that strong Muslim and Somali believers of the female genital mutilation practice feel that the practice maintains the moral integrity of the members of their community…
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Female Genital Mutilation in the Somali Community in London and How It Affects Girls in Education
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Female genital mutilation in the Somali community in London and how it affects girls (11-15) in education Female genital mutilation in the Somali community in London and how it affects girls (11-15) in education Introduction Female genital mutilation is a cultural practice that is carried out in some communities such as members of the Somali community. The practice of female genital mutilation involves the partial or whole removal of female genitals. The act of genital mutilation has been strongly spoken against by international organizations that deal with human rights and health (Momoh 2005). The World health organization has been on the frontline condemning the act. Unfortunately, the act of female genital mutilation is considered as a rite of passage that all Somali girls should go through during adolescence. According to World health organization statistics, approximately 140 million women have undergone the crude procedure. There is a high population of Somali community in London (Momoh 2005). The United Kingdom has high quality education and healthcare services. This is in comparison to war torn Somali which has low quality social amenities available to its nationals (Plewis and Preston 2001). This essay will seek to find out the effect of female genital mutilation on education of the Somali girls living in London. This is because female genital mutilation has hindered the education of Somali girls in London. Female genital mutilation has adverse long-term effects on the physical, health and emotional lives of Somali girls in London. Many of the girls drop out of school due to emotional frustrations. The findings of this research paper will be useful to public policy making authorities in curbing female genital mutilation through educating Somali community in London on the dangers of FGM on girls’ education. According to research that was carried out on the practice of FGM among Somali girls in London, the practice still goes on (Hammersley 98). About 65, 900 girls have secretly undergone through female genital mutilation. Unfortunately, the culture is deep rooted and it is strongly supported by the men in the Somali society. The practice involves removal of either parts or the whole of the female genitals. The practice is usually not conducted in a hospital, but by a traditional female circumciser (Keeves and Lakomski 1999). The process is very painful since no pain medication or anesthesia is used on the girl. There are very many cases of young girls that die during the mutilation process as a result of excess bleeding. Most of the equipment that is used during the procedure is unsterilized and exposes the young girls to many illnesses such as HIV, hepatitis and many other kinds of infections (Skeggs 1988, p 132). Another form of genital female mutilation entails cutting the clitoris and inner labia. (Bell 1999). The emotional turmoil that these girls go through has an effect on their education due to their fragile life stage (adolescence). Research carried out on the effect of female genital mutilation on young girls’ shows that it is one of the reasons that contribute to their low performance in education. Female genital mutilation hinders prevents the Somali girls from changing their basic role in the family and society (Avis 1994). The practice exposes the young girls to traditional Somali beliefs that confine the role of women to the family level. The practice hinders any chances of high education attainment thus dimming any prospects of meaningful paid employment in future (Avis 1994). Female genital mutilation hinders education that is critical in social cohesion and poverty reduction among the Somali community in London. Somali women who undergo female genital mutilation are denied the opportunity to understand their health rights and legal rights since they do it under coercion Bassel 2012). The practice also leads to physical health problems like excessive bleeding, anemia and pain along the unitary tract that makes the girls shy away from interacting with their peers in school. The health complications lower the self-esteem of the Somali girls among their peers from other communities thus leading to poor academic achievements. Accordingly, female genital mutilation leads to emotional trauma and change of behavior patterns among the Somali girls. Some girls experience bladder and menstrual problems that forces them to abandon schooling and seek medical attention. (Skeggs 1988, p 134). Such health complications in young girls are likely to cause social isolation. This is because the issue of genital mutilation is not openly talked about in the home. Health care organizations and charities in London have put down strict measures to try and completely discourage the practice. Education professionals are supposed to take note of young girls that suddenly change such as withdrawing from interacting from their peers. Any concerned educational advisor should also inform their superiors or local law enforcement officers if they suspect that a girl has had the procedure carried out on them. Ladder and bleeding problems might be one of the initial indicators that a girl has undergone female genital mutilation (McGown 1999). Although it is illegal to carry out the practice, individuals in the Somali community still carry out the practice. According to statistics from the World Health organization, medical personnel even offer individuals from the Somali community to carry out the practice. It is estimated that approximately 6,000 girls in London undergo the painful procedure (Sharp 2009). Over 20,000 in the whole of the UK are estimated to undergo the procedure. According to reports from some members of the community who seek anonymity, some medical personnel are very willing to carry out the practice. Unfortunately, female genital mutilation is considered to be a sign of purity among girls in the Somali community (Avis 1994). The Somali community in London considers female genital mutilation as an initiation ritual that prepares the young girls for marriage. School going girls are considered ready for pre-arranged marriages thus making them to abandon school and enter in to early marriages. The early marriages force the girls to assume new family roles as wives thus creating a cycle of poverty among Somali women. The girl’s parents also cater for the expenses of the female genital mutilation procedures thus leaving little finances for their daughters’ education (Sweetman 2004). Some parents take their daughters who are as young as 10 years old to be circumcised by unscrupulous medical personnel. If anyone is found by law enforcers to be carrying out or facilitating female genital mutilation in Britain, they face possible jail term of not less than 14 years. The British government has been criticized as not putting in effort in stopping the practice. According to World Health Organization statistics, only 2 medical doctors have had their licenses taken away for performing female genital mutilation procedures. Some of the women who have underwent the procedure when they were young feel that the British government fails to act against the practice because they are not ‘white’ (Crème and Lea 2003). The young girls also know that if they fail to undergo the practice, they are at risk of being shunned from the society (Squire 2009). Strong Muslim and Somali believers of the female genital mutilation practice feel that the practice maintains the moral integrity of the members of their community. Most of the girls are not fully aware of the steps that are to be taken during the female genital mutilation. The mother/ female guardian of the young girl do not inform her of their destination. As a result, the young girls who reside in London live in fear especially when their age ranges between 11- 15 thus leading to poor social skills development (Momoh 2005). This fear negatively affects the concentration of these girls in the educational context. Since the girls live in constant fear, they are not able to fully assert themselves into books which affect their academic performance. The young girls might also be unable to form social relationships with their peers in school (Sharp 2009). They are likely to be withdrawn from the social setting. Therefore, they might be unable to get into educational groups or interact and learn from their peers. When asked about the female genital mutilation issue in London, a law enforcement official said that they had all that they can possibly do. The law enforcement officer said that they had tried to go around mosques trying to convince individuals present of the negative effects of the practice. Publicizing the issue has been viewed as one that would offend members of the community living in London and its environs. Human rights organizations cite that they have received numerous calls from Somali girls living in London who fear the ‘cut’ (Abusharaf 2006). However, they are even more afraid of what they might undergo if they publicly come out (Sharp 2009). From an early stage, the girls are taught about the importance of the female genital mutilation practice in their community. They are told of how they should remain ‘pure’ and uncorrupted unlike the Western culture (Gaskin 1988). According to older members of the Somali community, Western culture is immoral; a trait that should never be associated with the Muslim or Somali culture. When the girls reach the recommended female genital mutilation age, they begin to feel conflicted and afraid of the procedure. They might especially feel so if one of the family members is against the female genital mutilation practice (Mitchell, Melhuus and Wulff2011). Human rights activists argue that if the government was to take action on a few cases, it would serve as an example to other Somali community families (Wellington 2000). The government should take legal action against the parents of young girls that force them to undergo the practice. Such action would deter other families from carrying out such procedures. Unfortunately, even if the female genital mutilation cases are reported to law enforcement authorities, there is no proof of the act taking place (Bassey 1999). Parental consent is required for any minor to be examined by a physician. There are a few Somali families that refuse to subject their girls to the procedure because they believe that it has no benefits. However, such members risk being seen as outcasts who have betrayed their traditions and culture (Clifford, and Marcus 1984). Methodology This part of the research will be qualitative. The researcher will review work that has already been written on the topic from secondary sources. The researcher will use random sampling technique to select the interviewees. All participants have equal likelihood of being included in the research sample. The research will rely on existing literature in books for secondary data. The research will also collect primary data through interviews and questionnaires. The researcher will conduct case studies based on interview on girls and women that have undergone female genital mutilation. The issue of female genital mutilation is very sensitive and will require as much information as possible. The interview will ensure that the researcher can ask follow up questions depending on the answers that are given by the respondents. An interview also allows the researcher to make observations that accompany answers that are given. Female genital mutilation is a sensitive issue that is likely to be accompanied by very emotional responses. The research paper will interview a sample of 200 school going girls of Somali community, 100 teachers in most schools in London and law enforcement authorities. The paper will also rely on medical practitioners and psychologists for expertise advice on the nature of the problem. Ethical considerations According to studies that have been carried out in the area of female genital mutilation, most of the females that have undergone this procedure feel ashamed of their nature. Therefore, the researcher must assure the individuals who agree to be interviewed that their details will not be given out other individuals. The researcher must in turn ensure that she/he does not disclose the interviewees’ personal details (Adler and Adler 1998). The interviewees should feel confident that their confidentiality will be maintained. The confidentiality and privacy of the respondents will be maintained by changing the identity of the interviewees. The findings of the research will only be utilized for the purpose of the research only. The respondents will be informed on the purpose of the research and their legal rights to privacy before participating in the interviews or filling any questionnaires. Conclusion The research details should be used by human rights and health activists to speak out against the practice. The researcher should ensure that he/ she has gained consent from the individual being interviewed to publish their responses. If the interviewee asks for anonymity when the results are published, the researcher should give the respondent some assurance. Where possible, the researcher should give the interviewee a preview of the content to be published before it is actually published. The information that is used in the research study should in no way impose danger on the interviewee. Simple random sampling is easy to execute and evaluate during analysis of results (Crème and Lea, 2003). Female genital mutilation has made many Somali girls to abandon schooling due to emotional, physical and health complications. References Abusharaf, R.M. 2006. Female circumcision: multicultural perspectives. London. Springer. Adler, P. and Adler, P. 1998. Observational Techniques. in Denzin, N. and Apprenticeships’, British Journal of Sociology of Education, 9 (2), pp.131-149. Bassel. L. 2012. Refugee women: beyond gender versus culture. London. Radcliffe Publications. Bassey, M. (1999). Case Study research in educational settings. Milton Keynes: Open University Press Bell,J. (1999). Doing your research project. (3rd). Milton Keynes: Open University Clifford, J. and Marcus, G. (eds.) (1984). Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography. London. Springer. Continuum. Crème, P. and Lea, M. (2003). Writing at University: a Guide for Students. 2nd edn. Doing Research about Education, London: Falmer Press. Epstein, D. (1998). ‘Are you a girl or are you a teacher?’ The ‘Least Adult’ role in Gaskin, C.A. Hume’s Philosophy of Religion. 1988. London. Macmillan. Keeves, J. and Lakomski, G. 1999. Issues in Educational Research. Oxford: Pergamon. Learning Matters Maidenhead: Open University Press. McGown, R.B. (1999). Muslims in the Diaspora: the Somali communities of London and Toronto. Toronto. University of Toronto Press. Mitchell, J.P., Melhuus, M and Wulff, H. 2011. Ethnographic practice in the present. Oxford. Berghahn. Momoh, C. Female Genital Mutilation. 2005. London. Radcliffe Publishing Ltd. Plewis, I. and Preston, J. 2001. Evaluating the Benefits of lifelong Learning: A framework. London: Institute of education. Press. Research about Gender and Sexuality in a Primary School’ in Walford, E. (ed.) Sharp, J. (2009). Success with your education research project. Exeter: Sharp, J. 2009. Success with your Education Research Project. Exeter: Learning Matters. Skeggs, B. 1988. ‘Gender reproduction and further education: Domestic Squire, C. 2009. Social context of birth. Oxford. Radcliffe Publications. Sweetman, C. 2004. Violence against women. Oxford. Oxfam GB. Wellington, J. 2000. Methods and Issues in educational research. London: Read More
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