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Afro-Colombian - Thesis Example

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The paper "Afro-Colombian" presents that the onset of the 1520s saw the arrival of slaves from Africa to the northern coast of New Grenada. The supply of Indian slaves was scant and there arose a need to bring in a more stable source of cheap labor…
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Afro-Colombian
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Afro-Colombian Thesis: Afro-Colombian Slavery and legal discrimination from 1520s to 1991 led to socio-economic inequality, social conflict and violence in modern Colombian society. I. A. Afro-Colombian enslavement and legal discrimination (1520s to 1991) According to Peter Wade in his contribution to the Encyclopedia of World Cultures, the onset of 1520s saw the arrival of slaves from Africa to the northern coast of New Grenada. This ‘shipment’ from Africa was as a result of a fast-declining Indian labor. The supply of Indian slaves was scant and there arose a need to bring in a more stable source of cheap labor. Cartagena, the Caribbean port city became the colony’s main slave port. The coastal region of the Pacific became a principal user of slave labor as it began being colonized effectively from the late seventeenth century. An estimated 100,000 slaves were imported before the year 1600. The Spanish settlements of Cauca Valley which was known for its richness in gold and North Antioqua benefited most from this steady supply slaves since by 1560, the Indian laborers were no longer easy to come by. Slaves were regarded as an important asset since they were cheap and the work they were required to do was labor-intensive. Women were not spared either from the back-breaking work at the open-cast mines. Both male and female miners worked in groups called cuadrillas (or gangs), each led by a captain. They were also in agriculture and looked after cattle in the haciendas in Cauca Valley. In as much as they were also used as artisans, domestic servants and laborers in large haciendas in the Caribbean plains, their main occupation was mining. According to Wade, the harshness with which slaves were treated varied according to the epoch and the region in which they were posted. However, some of them were given the opportunity to buy their own freedom, especially the women and children. Most slaves were also able to farm, mine or sell goods for their own benefit on a specific day in a week. Some slave owners even granted their own slaves freedom. Sexual relationships between white men and black women led to a new ‘race’ of people who could neither be classified as being white, slave nor Indian and constituted about 60% of the population in New Granada by the 1770s. Some slaves fought for their own freedom, perhaps when the working conditions became unbearable and fled to uncontrolled areas where they formed villages and fortified them for their defense against the Spanish military. B. Resistance The first revolt took place in 1530 in Santa Marta, Colombia. The slaves completely burnt down the town. Even after it was rebuilt in 1531, it was again burnt down in 1550 in another slave revolt. In 1545, a group of slaves who worked in mines in the present day Popayan took over the town of Tofeme, kidnapped 250 Indian hostages and killed twenty white people. Popayan still experienced revolts in 1555 and 1556. In one particularly devastating revolt in 1598, one of the most profitable gold mines which was in Zaragoza was destroyed by 4000 slaves. The mine was later recaptured by the Spanish and the slaves who were caught were executed. In 1732, a fortified village (known as a Palenque) was formed by a fugitive slave close to the town of Castillo in Popayan. When the local government tried and failed to destroy it, they made a deal to grant amnesty on condition that they refused to accept any new fugitives. The condition was ignored and the deal was off. Pursuant to this, an expedition to destroy the encampment was successful and the former slaves had to escape to form another Palenque. In 1819, five thousand slaves in Colombia were recruited for battle by Simon Bolivar. He had his own reservations at first about using slaves and children born of slaves and their masters (mullattos) since he saw a slave as a child. However, he knew he needed them to win the independence battle because of their large population. He also wanted to reduce the number of white casualties since the Venezuelan war had claimed a lot of white lives. Simon wanted more white people to enjoy the fruits of independence as he reduced the population of black people. Like most whites, he harbored the fear of a take-over by black slaves. He considered a revolt a thousand times less desirable than an invasion by the Spanish. Civil war broke out in the Republic of Gran Colombia in 1830. In 1932 after the war, the slave plantation class excluded all manumission laws from Colombia’s constitution since they held the upper hand. Manumission was the law that tied all children borne of slave women to their slave masters from the age of 15 to the age of 25. Another civil war broke out in 1839. The effect of civil war was devastating especially for the black people who were far away from home. A significant number of white people were protected by employment laws while only 3% of Africans had social security benefits. With very limited opportunities for blacks, many of them resorted to drug trafficking, prostitution or joining the paramilitary or guerrilla warfare. In as much as the last two options were extremely risky, it was the only way for most of them to survive as they brought in a reasonable amount of income considering the considerable amount of time the war lasted. C. Abolition of Slavery A free womb law was passed on 21st July 1821 by the congress at Cucuta. This law tied a child born of a slave woman from the age of 15 to 25. This law was to be enforced by a junta de manumission which collected taxes to buy the freedom of slaves. This was a gradual step to emancipation from slavery. The economy relied too heavily on slave labor to just grant outright freedom to the slaves. These laws were not enforced since the junta de manumission was mainly comprised of slave owners who outright ignored the law. The masters also extended the manumisio and made them still slaves. The resultant effect was a series of rebellions by the slaves. This coupled with the civil wars caused havoc to the goldmines at Cauca and led to the destruction of the most profitable minefields. Having slaves became stressful and 800 slaves ended up being sold to Peru for profit. The rise of Jose Hilario Lopez who was an anti-slavery politician significantly hastened the process of abolition of slavery. In 1849 as soon as Jose was elected into the presidency, he immediately set out to push for the abolition of slavery. People started releasing their slaves in 1850. By 21st May 1851, there was an order to free all slaves. Slavery and servitude was declared abolished by 1st of January 1852. D. Legal Discrimination 1851-1991 After slavery was abolished, some former slaves ended up working for their former masters in the farms or gold mines. Other ex-slaves ended up becoming independent miners who sold gold to elites or became farmers. In the Pacific, Black people and Indians remained fairly separated in as much as they interacted in commerce and perhaps even intermarried. In other areas like the Cauca or Antioquia, either geographical differences became more marked or the population of Indians remarkably reduced. In the Caribbean, Blacks and Indians mixed more freely in as much as other places were predominantly Indian or predominantly Black (Wade 15). According to Afropedea (par. 3), Afro-Colombians seemed to have faded into the background soon after emancipation. They were largely ignored and the state did very little to provide them with skills or education. Most of them ended up as subsistence farmers and squatters. They were also unable to vote since the laws barred non-educated people, laborers, domestic servants and those who did not own property from voting. The situation was made worse in 1910 when the law required a certain amount of property and comprehensive literacy for one to vote. Some scholars believed that this invisibility was an attempt by the government to portray Colombia as strictly white country. E. 1991 Constitution According to Ana Gonzalez, this constitution broke the myth of a homogenous society in Colombia. It legally recognized the racial and ethnic diversity of Colombians and provided the scope for Afro-national legislators to be elected into office. The constitutions provided avenues through which the rights of Afro-Colombians could be significantly broadened. Afro-Colombian community associations were created and pursuant to this, the Law of Black Communities (Law 70) was created in 1993. This law, inter alia, instituted partly autonomous political units for them and established programs aimed at protecting the cultural identities of the Afro-Columbians as well as providing them with access to education. II. A. Socio-Economic Inequality In as much as Afro-Colombians made up a quarter of the entire Colombian population, three quarters of them fell below the poverty line. According to World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples, they earned an average of $500 annually as compared to their white counterparts who earned $1500. In as much as they attended primary schools, they were less likely to attend secondary schools because high school is only available to 62% of Afro-Colombians against 75% of all Colombians. This is quite the paradox as Afro-Colombians are considered to have a higher than (or equal to) academic performance to the rest of the Colombians. Government resources going to Afro-Colombian Municipalities were not sufficient to provide basic social services. Most Blacks did not have access to basic health care and as a result, 57% of all maternal births were premature. Black activists complained of institutional racism and geographical apartheid. There was hardly any infrastructure or meaningful development in the Afro-Colombian regions. In as much as there was an established Department for Ethnic Affairs which had a special department dealing with areas that are pre-dominantly black, the government diverted those funds towards the conflict. The World Directory quotes Semana who reported that 40 children of Afro-Colombian ethnicity died of starvation in early 2007. B. Mega Projects and Land Rights Law 70 was passed in 1993 in an effort to bar discrimination against Blacks. This perhaps can be attributed to the Afro-Columbian movement which had laid out a strong emphasis on “black identity”. When the law was passed, Blacks were given collective land rights and an opportunity to be represented in industry and government. According to Wade, those Afro-Colombians in the Caribbean and Cauca regions were however placed in the periphery during the negotiations since the process seemed to target only those Blacks within the Pacific region. However, conflict mainly in the Choco region of the South Pacific has caused widespread displacement and loss of lives. These regions have very little state control. The World Directory refers to a 2005 press release from UNHCR which expressed concern over the possibility of extinction of the Black and indigenous people of Columbia. This is mainly because areas that are predominantly Afro-Colombian are the ones that have been worst hit by the conflict. As a result of the same conflict, the collective and individual human rights of the Afro-Columbians have consistently been abused. Mega projects launched by the government and funded by the state and other foreign entities like the European Union have also made life unbearable for the Black people. Their activists say that they have never been consulted especially when the project is being carried out within their ethnic territory. They have been severally displaced and their social structure and culture which they have spent 500 years or so developing had been significantly interfered with. C. Black Political Consciousness The 1990s brought with it Black consciousness which sparked debates regarding the state of Afro-Columbians. These debates birthed movements which saw black people, men and women alike, being elected to occupy the senate in prominent political positions. Some people considered this a positive step towards true liberation while others thought it was just strategic and merely political (“World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples” par. 4). III. A. Social Conflict and Violence Most of the victims of crimes and human rights violations in Columbia have always been vulnerable groups like women, unionists, Afro-Colombians and indigenous people. Many are times they have to make the undesirable choice of joining one of the armed groups or fleeing to the urban slums where they are bound to face unemployment. (Noakrawczyk par. 2) Ms. Gay McDougall who is a United Nations Independent Expert on minority issues stated in her 2010 statement how Afro-Columbian women opened up about the violence often meted out against them and in specific sexual violence. The fact that they are displaced and poor makes them even more vulnerable. Many mothers have lost their children to forced recruitment in illegal armed gangs. She also acknowledges the resilience of the Black woman in situations where their men have been killed and as such have been forced to take up the mantle of leadership, even though they are sometimes not given due recognition as leaders. After the 1996/1997 “Operation Genesis” which led to the death of 85 and displacement of over 4000 people, CAVIDA was formed. This was at a time where the military was brutal against blacks and terror was unleashed upon them in a bid to further the interests of the government or private persons who wanted to exploit the resources on the Afro-Columbians land. Afro-Colombians have responded collectively by developing well-organized peaceful black movements that have been quite effective. CAVIDA (Cominidad de Auto-Determinacion, Vida y Dignidad of Cacarica) was one such movement. PCN leads these organizations and has a network of over 140 black organizations (“World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples” 4). Works Cited "Afro-Colombian - Afropedea." Afro-Colombian - Afropedea. Web. 10 Mar. 2015. . Gonzalez, Ana. "Afro-Colombian Leaders: Recognition of Race and the Struggle to Realize Change." Afro-Colombian Leaders: Recognition of Race and the Struggle to Realize Change. Americas Quarterly, 1 Jan. 2012. Web. 10 Mar. 2015.  McDougall, Gay. "Statement by the United Nations Independent Expert on Minority Issues, Ms. Gay MvDougall, on the Conclusion of Her Official Visit to Colombia, 1 to 12th February 2010." DisplayNews. 2010. Web. 10 Mar. 2015 Noakrawczyk. "Brief Summary of Armed Conflict in Colombia." International Justice. 18 Mar. 2012. Web. 10 Mar. 2015.  Wade, Peter. "Afro-Colombians." Encyclopaedia of World Cultures. Vol. 7. Boston, 1994. 14-19. Print. “World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples - Colombia: Overview."Refworld. Minority Rights Group International, May 2008. Web. 10 Mar. 2015. Read More
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