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Chinese Religion Culture - Article Example

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The paper "Chinese Religion Culture" states that the creation of the People’s Republic in 1949 with Chinese religion was controlled by the new communist regime. The government affirmed religion as a myth that needed to be restored by Marxist doctrine. …
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Extract of sample "Chinese Religion Culture"

Institution : xxxxxxxxxxx Title : Chinese Religion Culture Tutor : xxxxxxxxxxx Course : xxxxxxxxxxx @2010 Introduction Throughout the history of China, the authenticity of the political system was built on the charismatic power of the emperor, a power reinforced by hereditary succession. This form of leadership did not change Chinese communist party came to authority. As a result of the agrarian nature of Chinese economy and lack of political segregation, the novel system still relied on allure of the nationwide leader. After the 1949 revolt, the use of charismatic power reached a climax during the Cultural Revolution in the people’s republic of China in 1966 to 1976 illustrated by the near veneration of Mao Zedong. Even though China affirmed itself agnostic state, this veneration merged with Mao’s elucidation of Marxism, developed a type of political religion that influenced millions of individuals and intensely changed Chinese society. This article focuses on the ritual activities in China during the Cultural Revolution and political religion of China during this time and how Mao’s work influenced the cultural and religious lives of Chinese people from 1949 up to date. Traditional religions in China For a lengthy time the illustration of divinity among the people of China consisted of several forms of spirits which can be categorized into two universal groups, popular and official gods. The ancestral spirits and gods like the spirit of heaven belong to the category of official gods a belief prescribed by the country, while the God of war and God of trade belonged to the popular gods in a totally unsystematic pluralism of heuristic and magical cults. The Chinese spirits, particularly the universal and mighty ones, maintained an impersonal character. The monarch was regarded the son of heaven and was deemed to be given the right to directly communicate to the Spirit of Heaven and to conduct sacrificial rites. On the other hand, the masses who were led by heads of households, worshipped their own ancestral spirits only (Martin, 1981). Popular divinities were worshipped within the village sanctuary with little ritual manipulations and intermittent prayers by individuals. With respect to the conventional religious schools, Confucianism was the prominent official religion since the Han Dynasty. In comparison with other religious schools like Taoism and Buddhism, Confucianism, was an ethical doctrine other than a religious belief. It was applied as an ethical code for hierarchical model of social relationships, serving the function of retaining the patrimonial order. The propagation of the Confucian religion was achieved by literati or educated scholars whose positions were closely linked to the government and whose contributions were fundamental for diminishing the colonial administration (Christian, 1986). Together with the official sect, there were popular religions illustrated by animistic magic. Even though the literati rejected popular religions, they were prevalent among the scantily educated masses. According to Christel, (1986), Emotional delight was widespread among people who followed the popular religions. Even though the popular and official religions were practiced at diverse levels, the two served significant functions. Official religion offered both a foundation for the present social structures and a behavioral guide for peoples to assist sustains the community. Popular religions functioned to meet the emotional requirements of people, offering the liberation of worry and other emotional benefits. The rise of political religion during the early cultural revolution Karl Marx was dull in his dismissal of religion and hated all forms of gods who did not recognize human self perception as the greatest divinity and felt that religion is the major cause of conflicts and war through history. Human beings having made God or gods, raise the spirituality above themselves therefore falling victims to religious isolation and bogus consciousness. Arthur(1998) argues that, for Marx, religion was, in real sense, the indication of human despair and an illness of the community. Also, it was the opiate of individuals, a means employed to validate the class quo and legitimize the present social order. As a result, for Marx, religion was in the empire of the incredible, a delusion that made it difficult to understand the nature of interests of status and hindered the repressed from doing anything in order to change their depressed situation (Esad, 1985). In comparison to religion, Marx’s agnosticism has been viewed by communist leaders as contributing to accurate human self consciousness. Communism, in other terms, has been viewed as a form of realistic humanism that flees individuals from false realization. Subsequently, following the creation of the Peoples republic of China in 1949, Chinese religion was restrained by the fresh communist regime. Varto (1981) argues that Pronouncements by the government affirmed religion as a fallacy that was supposed to be reinstated by Marxist doctrine. The assail on religion was strengthened during Cultural Revolution, which started with the eradication of the four olds; old values, old ideas, old traditions and old ideas. The conventional religions described as feudal superstation were embraced in the four olds and they came under harsh attack. Outward religious expressions were fully prohibited and every religious ritual discontinued. Scholarly script on Chinese religious history stopped and it was as if Chinese religion had never existed (Robert, 1970). Paradoxically, at the same period it tried to demolish conventional religious actions, the Chinese communist government instigated and encouraged a fresh religion which was centered on Mao, the chairman of the Chinese communist party and the leader of the Peoples Republic during the period of Cultural Revolution. According to Yinger, (1966), Mao was viewed as a god and greatly worshipped by the Chinese people. Starting in the 1966 summer, the Beijing streets were full of banners of slogans like long live chairman Mao and Be prepared to die in defense of Chairman Mao. The songs sung by children were evocative of Western songs in praise of Jesus. One hymn asserted that their love for their parents is greater but greater still was their love for Chairman Mao (Philip 1967). Mao was adored as the great teacher, the great leader, great steersman, great commander and the red sun and notably, the messiah of working people. Catching a glimpse of Mao in left onlookers with outstanding memories and majority were reduced to tears by the experience. The people would fritter the night in the lanes if they had an idea that Amos course the following day would take him past them. When he appeared, the masses would shout, cry out, jump, and wave at the Little Red Book in woes of delight. Worshipping of Mao In spite of the economic retard during the initial years of Cultural Revolution, badge making and printing thrived in two significant industries. They printed the works of Mao and his picture and created badges which resembled western political buttons. Enormous press rung of writings of Mao were issued free of charge to the whole populace by the communist people. In the meantime, a grand deal of metal was averted from other industries and used in the manufacturing of Mao badges. Several people would put on many badges at the same time. Ritual actions were established in connection with this extreme loyalty to the god Mao. For example it was relatively widespread that, in the morning prior to breakfast, members of the family stood before the picture of Mao and asked him for instruction for the day’s activities. In the dusk, they stood before the picture and confess the sins they had committed during day time. Robert (1970) argues that this form of action was also practiced by numerous middle school learners in Beijing. They walked to the Tian Anmen square in Monday morning for instructions and on Saturday evening so as to plead guilty of the bad things they had committed during the entire week. Individuals adored Mao as a habitual action, usually before class, before working before dinner or before starting a meeting. People would stand up, face Mao’s portrait and say how they wished long life for their great leader, the reddest sun in their hearts, Chairman Mao. When an official meeting or a convention was being held, two hymns in adoration of Mao were included at the starting and the ending of the gathering: Sailing in the sea relies on the steersman and the east is red. These two hymns were regarded as holy as the Chinese national anthem. The people were also required to study and practice a unique jazz of devotion to Mao. Therefore, Mao was constantly worshipped through dancing, singing, and verbal expression. The works of Mao became holy writ: A single sentence was as powerful as ten thousand common phrases and his scripts were published in the Precious Red Book. In order to make the writings more convenient and accessible for people to carry, numerous of his citations were assembled in the Little Red Book and given out to every person. Individuals were needed to learn these citations by heart and to resolve their everyday crisis with Mao words. It was needed that the initial meeting of the school day or duration of at the starting of work in the dawn be consigned to reading of Mao’s work. Working people were meeting two times every week so as to learn Mao’s work and at times manuscripts from the central committee of Chinese communist party. No one was supposed to be absent and nobody was allowed to challenge or even question one of Mao’s ideas. The penalty for challenging the ideas of Mao could be as stern as death. In addition, during this time, at any time a fresh order from Mao was pronounced, individuals would move to the streets and rejoice at the instant the new order was given, even if it was at night, grasping the Little Red Book high in their hands. Individuals were also requested to segregate themselves from any person who was unfaithful to Mao including members of the family and close pals. It was usually the case that younger persons battled with their national conspirator parents; couples separated with their counter revolutionary partners; people depicted and condemned their bourgeoisie friends. Tears were not shed when one member of the family committed suicide because suicide was regarded as isolating oneself from Mao and other people. (Erik, & Han, 1984). Behavioral regulation during Mao’s time Labeling, a tremendously efficient scheme of shaping bad behavior in accordance to the customs established via religious doctrines, has had a significant function in warding off heretical beliefs of devils, in Western religion. Erikson (2001) argues that the Chinese Communist government has continued with labeling as a means of eradicating its rebels via several political movements. In Suppress counterrevolutions of 1950-1952 the widespread label for rebels was counterrevolutionaries; in the anti rightist struggle movement of 1957, the label was rightists while in the four clean ups movement, the label was bad elements. However, the Cultural Revolution witnesses the greatest use of this policy. It started with Mao’s caution: never forget the class struggle. Newspaper editorials warned individuals that there were fresh bourgeois aspects in the socialist scheme. The Red Guards, afresh and majorly teenage group established to execute Mao’s Cultural Revolution, to the lead in recognizing all types of the new and old class enemies. The new class enemies were officials in power who were blamed of being capitalist roaders, and Chinese who had come back for overseas who were seen as spies. These class enemies were depicted by the Red guards and subjected to stern sanctions from the proletarian authoritarianism. Majority of them were politically scrutinized and condemned, publicly disgraced and forced to declare their sins to Mao or bodily tortured (Seymour, 1984). Cultural significance of Mao’s work Symbolism is another aspect of the rituals linked with the Chinese Cultural Revolution. During this time, the relations between Mao and the people was viewed as that of the sunflowers and sun. Like the sunflowers turn to the sun, the hearts of masses turned toward Mao. In addition all the places where Mao had lived or visited like the house he was born in, Tian Anmen gate and Yanan pagoda were viewed as sacred places and they usually evoked immense emotions of respect and love to Mao. The Little Red Book along with Mao’s instructions were regarded the source of potency and the solution to all forms of problems. Individuals seemed to attain a particular power by having the book. Repairing stitches on uniform and colorless individuals wore represented the thrift and industry, which were often considered as a glorious tradition of their party and illustrated that an individual had been laboring hard for the eventual freeing of proletarians all over the globe and this suggests that the eradication of conventional religion did not lead china to agnosticism. However, a fresh religion was created and in the eyes of people, there still survived a supernatural power. The manna progressing from Mao stopped an individual from considering himself as the master of his own destiny or that social growth could be attained by human effort only, as Marxism asserts. Similarities between Mao’s religion and traditional Chinese religion Maoist political religion is identical to the customary Chinese religions in numerous respects. Foremost, like Confucianism, the orthodox position on the thought of Mao acted as a rationalization for the rank quo in the Chinese communist system. Because Mao’s doctrines were religiously treated, they legalized his system and stopped any alterations both in theoretical or in practice. Secondly, several rituals captured religious forms. For instance, the procession of Red Guards is resembled that of a customary religious parade executed for a society god (Meredith, 1981). Thirdly, the zealous attitude people had towards the Little Red Book looked like individuals attitude toward the animistic magic in the past years. As individuals in the conventional Chinese community believed in the power of magic, people in Cultural Revolution believe was that the Little Red Book would prevent the form any trouble. Finally, the function of the ritual in the revolt was usually similar as in customary traditional religion. At personal level, the book assisted to reduce worry and offered a sense of confidence and safety; at the society level, it reinforced social control and social cohesiveness. Daniel (1986) argues that the major difference between the political religion and the customary religion was that with Mao being identified as a God, was personalize and people could access him directly. Causes of political religion in china In his analysis of the Chinese social structures, Weber (1964) clearly recognizes numerous dominant aspects of Chinese community that hindered the rise of capitalism namely self government of villages, the patrimonial structure of law and associations in production. This form of social structure definitely restricted the transformative capabilities of Chinese community and hindered development of capitalist relations. Weber’s analysis is useful in understanding the political religion in modern China. Absence of development in capitalism implies absence of industrialization. For a long period of time, China had stayed chiefly agricultural, with a reduced level of financial production and underdevelopment in natural sciences, which had left the country susceptible to nature in agricultural production. This susceptibility was linked with dependence on supernatural powers for solutions and explanations. Eisenstadt (1985) argues that the diffident technology was in line with the entire low level of schooling. Especially in the imperial period, this implied that a little portion of the populace received education and natural sciences were deserted. The curriculum composed majorly of Confucian ethics, writing skills and literature. Competition amongst the degree seeking was based on securing a position in the ruling stratum. Subsequently, there was absence of resources of creativity and knowledge in handling all form of problems, and individual and a strong believe in magical powers. Self sufficiency was an additional aspect of the agrarian Chinese society. Economic activities were mainly organized on the kinship system. In reaction to this form of economic system, there was the development of the political scheme characterized by patriarchy and patrimony, which hindered the expansion of the legal rational bureaucratic scheme and enforcement of law. As a consequent, leadership was on basis of charm, which was usually an extraordinary power, given the presumption of mystic power. The monarch had to verify himself as the Son of heaven and as the noble endorsed by heaven insofar as the masses fared excellently under him. For the meantime, the personal traits which were essential to the alluring image of emperor were transformed into ritualism, then to ethics by the philosophers and ritualists. Impact of Mao’s work on the Chinese social structure Even though the imperial kingdom passed away a long time ago, the Chinese society is still covered in feudalist culture. This is largely because political differentiation and economic development advance at a slow rate although china has changed the older kin governed social organization. In fact, political system didn’t intend to demolish all portions of the tradition. It merely shifted the prominence of the custom form kin group to party. For instance, instead of emphasizing devotion mainly to the kin, the party became the core and patriarchy was practiced at the nationwide level. This slowness to transform laid a base for the emergence of political religion in the early Cultural Revolution and Mao’s personal endeavor was a direct factor. The leading position of Mao was sternly confronted by his working mates because of the mistakes he had committed since the establishment of the peoples Republic, which led to severe consequences to the economy of China and the wellbeing of the masses. In order to reclaim his former power, he eliminated dissidents from their positions via the demolition of the current administrative system. The plan he applied was to reinforce his charm among the people, who later attested to be the chief forces for warding off rebels. Neoreligious images and words like the red sun were used because the older religious images or terms were no longer required to be used. New types of rituals were created to propagandize Mao’s charm. In this manner, a personal god was made and religious sentiments of the populace were roused. According to Meredith, (1981), through the introduction of a personal god from western globe and by intentionally keeping religious rituals that had been applied in adoring popular gods, Mao fruitfully developed a political religion through which he demolished the older administrative system and reoccupied his top position. Although intellectuals represented a significant portion of the ruling stratum in customary Chinese community, they were attacked on Mao’s rule. This is because most intellectuals had been educated prior to the emergence of the peoples Republic and Mao didn’t trust them. He felt that they had forces of verdict and a wish for knowledge and a means to investigate for truth. Additionally, their attitudes were greatly manipulated by Confucianism, which highlighted harmony and stability. The intellectuals also ridiculed fanaticism and ritual and were certainly hesitant to acknowledge them under Mao (Yang, 1967). Continuation of the political religion after Cultural Revolution Although the Cultural Revolution passed away long time ago, the accompanying political religion was not completely buried with it. Glassman (1986) argues that the effect of political religion is still evident despite the fact that it’s no longer feasible to legitimize individual’s position merely through exploiting charisma. Chinese people still feel normative and political pressure, emphasizing homogeny in values and compliance to the party. Through imposing the current orthodox doctrines like adherence to the four basics principles stipulated by the party and the moral code of keeping constituency with the central committee of the party, the party means that no other forms of deeds or ideas are allowed. At the individual level, several individuals from the old generations have internalized this political philosophy and political religion has become a significant portion of their lives. These individuals do not tolerate confrontations to the orthodox role of Mao thought although they were victims of Cultural Revolution. Several elderly people who have dedicated their entire lives to remodel their world outlook are still attempting to be conscripted as affiliates of the communist party, for the purpose of achieving their conversion. The 1989 Beijing massacre of prodemocracy by the Chinese government is viewed as an effort to apply political religion as a way of keeping people’s ideas under control. Since the massacre, the communist rule has carried on with the imposition of political religion with the assistance of military force and has stiffen its regulation over the national mass media, which acts as the formal voice of Communist party.(Behan, 1998). According to Milton, (1970), it uses the existence of class struggle a term used during Cultural Revolution to validate the ongoing crackdown and arrests of prodemocracy activists. Ideological control of learners joining Beijing University, where the democracy movement began, are first taken to the army to gain military and political training before they take formal courses. The purpose of this strategy is to train the students politically and maintain them in line with the interests of the party. Conclusion The creation of the People’s Republic in 1949 with Chinese religion was controlled by the new communist regime. The government affirmed religion as a myth that was needed to be restored by Marxist doctrine. However it attempted to eradicate the traditional religious activities, the Communist regime initiated and encouraged a new religion which was centered on Mao the leader of peoples Republic and the chairman of the Chinese communist party during the time of Cultural Revolution. As a consequence, people viewed Mao as their God and highly worshipped him. Mao works became holy writ and his scripts were assembled in the Precious Red book and all people were supposed to strictly learn these citations by their heart and solve their daily problems with Mao words. Bibliography Martin, A, 1981, Chinese Ritual and Politics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Robert, N, 1970, Beyond belief, Harper & Row, New York. Erikson, T, 2001, Wayward Puritans, John Wiley & Sons, New York. Philip, B, 1967, Mao’s Cultural Revolution: Origin and Development. Chinese Quarterly 29: 30-35. Esad, C, 1985, Marx’s critique of religion and atheism, Journal of ecumenical Studies 22: 519-524. Eisenstadt N, 1985, This worldly transcendentalism and the restructuring of the world: Webers Religion of China and the format of Chinese history and civilization, Brill, Leiden. Yinger, M, 1966, Eyewitness of the cultural revolution, China quarterly 28:1-7. Erik, V, & Han, H, 1984, Was the older Mao still a Maoist? Journal of Contemporary Asia 14:82-93. Glassman, R, 1986, Charisma and social structure, the success and failures of charismatic leadership, Greenwood Press, New York. Christel L, 1986, The Rites of Rules, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Christian, J, 1986, Chinese Religions, Prentice Hall, New Jersey Meredith, B, 1981, Religion: The Social Context, Wadsworth, California. Arthur, F, 1998, Atheism: Is it essential to Marxism? Journal of Ecumenical Studies 22: 487-500. Varto, M, 1981, Patrimonialism in China and the Islamic World, Routledge, London. Daniel, L, 1986, Religions of China, Harper & Row, San Francisco. Weber, M, 1964, The Religion of China, Free, Press, New York. Milton, J, 1970, The Scientific Study of Religion, Macmillan, London. Yang, C, 1967, Religion in Chinese Society, University of California Press, Berkeley. Seymour, P, 1984, Cultural rules, rituals, and behavior regulation, American Anthropologist 86: 584-600. Behan, C, 1998, The Fire and Blood, Documentary on the prodemocracy movement in mainland China, John Wiley & Sons, New York. Read More

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