To what extent was Nationalism in Africa and Asia in the Early Twentieth Century a Mass Movement - Essay Example

? To what extent was Nationalism in Africa and Asia in the Early Twentieth Century a Mass Movement Introduction After the Second World War the world experienced a constant decline in the economy in different countries. In different regions the imperialist spirit of ruling was evident. Moreover, the world was stricken by the oppression of the ruling nation. This research paper is focused on negative impacts exerted on Africa and Asia. Arab nationalism can be experienced in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa. It is necessary to consider whether nationalism is a mass movement, or is it ideology backing people? We will try to focus on this question and try to give the answer to this question further on. The following path of nationalism can be traced: it expanded from the Middle East and started in west Asia and finally it reached North Africa. The main goal of Arab nationalism was to reduce the influence of the western states on their countries. Arabs united their ideas under a common concept "Pan-Arabism". Arab nationalism expanded into a mass movement though initially it was formed by a small number of individuals. We can claim that different regions experienced different complexities and challenges in the process of mass movements of nationalism. The author is focused on the Southern African urban history of Malawi. There was a serious impact of settler colonialism. As a result of Blantyre failure, this region was subjected to the external oppression caused in the process of industrialization. Different African colonies developed a proper reaction to the process of colonization. There are numerous responses and different reactions to the processes of post-colonization period in the African colonies. Colonialism brought an end to the slavery in Europe. Certainly this great social and political change resulted in expansion of poor people who had a chance to change their lives. Colonialism brought peace to some African areas. There was the end of violence in many colonies. Of course, these changes can be considered as a great step forward in the development of human history. In the study about Blantyre it is claimed that in the XX century there was a certain degree of political mobilization in the country. The majority of workers in Blantyre were non-migrants and they lived in independent villages. Asians were oppressed in the region but later Africans were discriminated too. The Africans did not have an opportunity to purchase land. There was an essential decrease of wages and in some occupations there were lower levels of wages increase. During the period between the end of the Second World War and the transition of political power in I964, Blantyre's population increased greatly. Even in 1957 the city's inhabitants lived under conditions of a severe poverty. They could not even buy food for themselves. African businessmen were mainly focused on supporting their stable economic positions. There were two great events following the period of 1953-1962 years: the workers initiated their own movement and they tried to fight for their rights. It was a period of a social turmoil. Only regime of Dr. Banda signifies a progressive development of the region. Unfortunately, trade unions were too weak and people showed ineffective struggle for their independence. The workers in Blantyre had an opportunity to promote their interests after they were inspired by Dr Banda. Another study is devoted to Syria. Political movements, social and economic changes in the life of this country are taken into account by the author of the study. A great interest of the historians to this country has been shown starting from 1960s. As a rule, development of Syria has been considered in terms of a cultural context. There were dependent ties in Syria, such as vertical and parochial connections (McCracken). The author further claims: "Not until the management had backed down by agreeing to the appointment of a Tribunal of Inquiry did the strikers come together in a mass meeting as members of the union. And when they did, they dismissed the whole committee of the Nyasaland RailwayAfrican Workers' Union and elected a new committee drawn from leaders of the strike" (McCracken, p. 266). The expansion of capitalist relations and Ottoman administrative reforms are evident. It should be noted that the new social classes occurred. The relations between different classes changed. Economic accents in the country were changed and the nation was subjected to an overall migration. There is a need to make an emphasis on the fact that historians are challenged with repercussions on political sociability. Moreover, it is often claimed that social, political and economic relations in this country are related to the inner turmoil experienced by the nation of Syrians. There were many signs of political sociability and capitalists' relations were promoted in the region. The governmental structures were reorganized and they turned into asynchronous ones. From another perspective there are a number of factors, which extend the process of urbanization and underlines particular features of commercial and agricultural production, development of communal boundaries, and limitation of the scope and pace of the transition from a certain political sociability to another within the empire. Hypothesizing that there is an essential shift from one form to another, Syria has changed its pace of development to the greatest extent. The analysis of different movements in the country underline the fact that it is necessary to find different forms of evidence proving that alternative social arrangements were formed in the country. It is evident that new labor movements were formed in Syria during the late Ottoman period (McCracken). Syrians were an independent family. The ties of mutual obligations connected this nation. At the same time, there were different social ties in the country and different relations: "As note by Hobsbawm, the nationalization of politics also partially transformed the role of the traditional local notability, which now had to reach a modus vivendi with upstart "bosses" attached to a national political machine. Finally, the populist organizations were ideological, offering their constituents a "total vision of the world" (Gelvin, p. 651). There were different categories of "tabaqdt-merchants, wealthy merchants, the wealthy, workers, peasants, the educated, government functionaries, and so on-the term was consistently used to denote functionally distinct social categories akin to estates that, under normal circumstances, interacted harmoniously and non-hierarchically" (McCracken). Shaykh Muhammad Hamdi al-Safarjalani is focused on the concept of Arab nationalism. Moreover, it is claimed that the major part of the population in Syria is passive. He claims: "non-elite population plays no role in the synthesis of nationalist doctrines but merely responds to the ideological proddings of those nationalist elites whom Sylvia G. Haim has characterized as "the verbose and the gullible" (McCracken). On the one hand, nationalist elites were not the important players in the context of nationalism evolution in Syria. On the other hand, these elites encouraged the dissemination and distribution of nationalist ideas. Political parties and media were under control of the ruling class. There was a development of a new political sociability and the populist movement was formed. Arab nationalism changed into a mass-nationalist ideology. In another study it appears that in the British Empire the colonies showed inspirations towards independence. For example, Gandhi developed a non-cooperation campaign in the country. Muslims showed negative attitudes to British imperialists. These countries can be supported, because there was a need for a great cultural movement and innovations and changes were required. The war became a graveyard of empires (Darwin). Middle East and Africa showe negative outcomes after imperialist military moods. Political moods in different countries and regions were significantly changed. Political violence in Europe and East Asia resulted in militant moods, authoritarian governments. Moreover, it cannot be denied that ideological opposition was on the way of its development. Conclusion African resistance has been overcome by the colonizers and only in 50 years people in Africa united their efforts and had enough power to claim about their political independence. There were a great number of slaves and the European presence in colonized regions violated their peace. At the same time, colonizers of Africa felt that they can be resisted. Both in the Asian region and in Africa nationalist movements were looking for a peaceful and a constitutional change. Therefore, it can be claimed that the main goal of the nationalist movement was to change the constitutions of the settler colonies and to underline dominance of rights of the nations living in the colonized countries. The settler colonial governments developed resistant policies to the demands of colonizers. There was air of oppression and imprisonment, military and hostile moods were everywhere in the considered regions. What was the main reason for ability of the oppressed nations to oppose to oppression and colonization? The answer can be found in a complex and challenging context, in a free and an independent nature of colonized and oppressed people. A spirit of freedom and ability to be released from the oppression inspired Africans and Asians for fight against the colonizers. In the result of their integrity and mutual efforts they dealt with the colonizing monster and because as free as the wind. References Darwin, J. "After Tamerlane". Gelvin, J., November 1994, "The Social Origins of Popular Nationalism in Syria". International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 26, part 4. McCracken, J. "Blantyre Transformed. The Journal of African History, vol. 39 part 2. Read More