Cases of Racism in the Political History of the European Region - Essay Example

Introduction The political history of the European region has experienced several cases of racism which has tainted the liberal and progressive image of the European continent. The migrant communities settled in Europe have been victimized under racism and xenophobia; their social and political rights have been violated. The political rights of the representatives of the minority communities have been subdued. The European countries are democratic countries, and the notion of democracy protects the interests and rights of the local community. The principle of democracy echoes the voice and representation of the majority and minority communities. The constitution of the European countries have explicitly protected the interests of the minority communities; and encouraged their participation in social, economic and political fronts. Childre (2003) observed that the constitution of the European countries supports democratic practices, and firmly encourages that the democratic notions shall be adopted and implemented on the basis of its merit. The European society is cosmopolitan society, but the majority of the aboriginals are reluctant to consider this as fact. The contemporary political theorists considered cosmopolitanism as "citizenship of the world, which is a critique of ordinary theories of political obligation, with their tendency to focus on our duties to fellow citizens, not to people elsewhere", as discussed by Patrick (2005). The consequence of the cosmopolitanism is expected to be "single world government with corresponding global citizenship"; this was evaluated by Patrick (2005). Surprisingly such aspirations have not discussed by the serious circles. Ulrich (2006) proposed that the modified and renewed version of the cosmopolitanism includes "everyone in the world in a single global web of mutual obligations". However the reservations and criticism mounted against cosmopolitanism is relevant to the negligence of the "obligations of reciprocity"; there has been consensus on the fact that the society has "obligations to give benefits in return for benefits received". The issue commonly observed by the society at large is relevant to the psychological possibility based upon the desirability claims, "the elimination of a special motivating attachment to fellow-citizens is not possible, but the elimination of special motivating attachments to fellow-citizens is expected to develop "certain desirable form of political life impossible". In this context, the cosmopolitan has revealed two broad options i.e. "the viability of politics as usual depends not upon certain beliefs that fellow-citizens deserve more of one's service, but upon commitments to the polity itself", therefore if the possibility of the strictly cosmopolitan is possible then Patrick (2005) believes that "a commitment to a universal set of principles embodied in a particular political constitution and a particular set of political institutions" is engaged. The practicability of such desirable politics has the potential to disarm the anti-cosmopolitan; Ulrich (2006) believes that this has provided that the denial of the form of political life is practical, and for this purposes the "moral commitments run over into a discussion of political theory". Literature Review Wayne (2001) believed that within the European society we still find traces of non-compliance against democratic principle of equality and justice. Racism and xenophobia has limited and discouraged the participation of the minority or under-privileged communities into political and social affairs. The European society which has been staunch supporter and enthusiast towards the proactive participation of the minority communities into public and private affairs; the current political state of some European countries indicates pessimistic outlook, where the interests and rights of the minority communities have been violated or ignored. The European society is multi-linguistic, multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious society. The penetration of the Africans, Arabs and Asians into European countries have mostly jeopardised the rights and influence of the key European communities. The inhabitants of Europe have protested that the state has failed to achieve balance of rights and privileges between the aboriginals and migrants. The imbalance created a sense of deprivation among the aboriginals, and soon there existed a spirit of retaliation among the aboriginals to secure their rights in totality. It is important to understand that the magnitude of development of European countries amplified only after the mass migration of people from Africa and Asia. Richard (2006) sensed that the mass migration supported the European countries to expand their business plans, and several economic and industrial activities inside the continent gained momentum. The benefits were mutually exchanged with the migrant communities; however soon their role and contribution enhanced. The migrants emerged as active players in different sectors within Europe. The aboriginals welcomed their participation, but soon realised that this minority group has been able to achieve economic progress in small period of time against the economic standings of the aboriginal. The paradigm of economic inequality developed void between the parties. The racism and xenophobia tools were then practiced by the aboriginals to ensure their political, economic and social revival in Europe. Luis (2004) argued that the cosmopolitanism cannot be satisfied through mere conversation, much because "toleration requires a concept of the intolerable", and therefore the intervention of the cosmopolitanism is essential when the violation of some vital commitments is observed, the recognition of the obligation towards the benefit of the fellow citizens is positive omen, and this has been termed as relational facts, where the relationships are based upon reciprocal obligations. However the demands of the cosmopolitanism are be regarded as broad and substantial, still the legitimacy of such demands cannot be doubted i.e. "the theory serves as a regulative ideal, even if it can't usefully be seen as a moral guide for every small-scale ethical decision facing individuals". Ethan (2006) believes that the preservation of the authentic culture is yet another dimension, the element of diversity is preferred and recommended by the cosmopolitans, and are inspired by the existence of the culture responsible for the formation of the global civilization, which is due to its relevance and objectivity towards the actual people. It is therefore false assumption to consider the cosmopolitan as radical element, much because their affiliations and affections towards the society and deprived class are justified and legitimate. The focus of Appiah has divergent conceptions, and its application has series of applicable interpretation therefore the focus shall be limited and converged to the fact that for cosmopolitan the importance and significance of the society is at par with the consideration which the cosmopolitan has towards his/her associates. Anderson argues that modernization brought about nations, the need was created by industrial societies. He focuses on the constructed nature of culture and the role of print capitalism which developed them. Arguments were based on pre-national culture was religious culture, and this was replaced with uniquely constructed national cultures. Print capitalism is the basis of his theory, claiming it allowed development for new national cultures. His work constructs a nation with in/out-groups, causing the uniqueness of nations and how different identities could damage the 'Imagined communities'. It is an extremely well written guide to nationalism and his ideas counter Gellner's ideas of the time. Chilton analyzed politics of language and the language of politics from the UK and international arenas. Extracts from political language, political interviews, speeches and discourse involving foreigners are included. His cognitive analysis using space and time like geometry is effective to analyse language in use, as it is time specific. His views are moderate and allow the reader to expand ideas themselves. He formulates that language and political behaviour are based on human mind, language and social behaviour intertwined together. He also states that language is limited to cognitive processes and being able to give a free critique with it. It is important to understand that the growth of multicultural and ethnic society has transpired the aboriginals to seek and retain their political, social and economic rights. The principle of equality and merit are seriously under challenge in European society; in past the merit and equality actually supported the migrants to outclass the aboriginals socially, professionally and intellectually. The European society is under state of confusion; where adoption of the right has turned the entire setup upside down. The racism and xenophobia generated once the European society realised that their rights have been subjugated; this realization only emerged once the industrial and economic development was achieved. In the midst of the quest no such differentiation or discrimination was ever reported or complained; however now as the European society is settled with the industrialization, there is a strong feeling that their rights have been equally distributed with the migrants. Cooke (2006) observed that the public opinion is strongly against the migrants because it provides a sense of discomfort among the aboriginals when their compare their standings, achievements and prospects with the migrant communities. The process of globalization and exchange of resources are the fundamental causes behind the conservative approach which seeks economic, political and social benefits on the grounds of association, and is seeking suppression of the rights of minorities. This qualitative analysis of Wodak focused on the Austrian nation formation over time. It focuses on the topics, discursive strategies and the linguistic devices used to construct national sameness and collectiveness in our imagined communities. Data was collected from a broad range of social contexts, with CDA and discourse-historical analysis on the construction of difference. Nation was derived from citizenship and institutions (Staatsnation) and traditional cultural and ethnic construct (Kulturnation). These differences are caused by political and ideology within the state. The book claims Globalization causes national insecurity forcing us to strive for a national identity. The methodology of this work was ground breaking and can be applied to other countries today. Viroli discussed the relation between patriotism and nationalism. Nationalists' values are for cultural unity, whilst patriots' values are for the government, so nationalism limits political freedom. He argues affect will triumph over political affairs; patriotism is less dangerous than nationalism; therefore political parties try to instil patriotism. Groups are formed that members should follow, separating people with bonds of culture, language and history. Viroli's historical analysis is well written and argued as he clearly defined reason and affect. He is attentive to words and concepts changing over time. He shows a slight bias to patriotism and so there lies a tension between liberty and freedom of the individual. The European society has experience social transformation in last 30years. After World War-II, the European community underwent restructuring and during this phase they required services; these services were then imported from African and Asian countries. The mass migration of Africans and Asians into European region offered an opportunity to the European to realise their dream of industrial manifestation. The economic and political interests of the key European countries in Asian and African countries have been instrumental in the mass migration even after economic and industrial progress was achieved. During African civil war in 1970's, it was European countries which offered political asylum to these Africans. During Gulf war in 1990's, it was the same European countries which offered political asylum to Asians, in particular Muslims. The mass migration of Asians, especially from Indian sub-continent and South-east Asia have been continuous; the reason behind the migration has been the long association of the European countries especially England, Spain, France and Netherland with these countries; the countries which were once under their rule and command. The European aboriginals have therefore expressed their resentment against the social imbalance which has greatly hampered the social, professional and economic privileges after the process of globalization, and mass migration accelerated. The European society has expressed their anguish on their political leadership of failing to undertake influential and major reforms to undo what has in past developed the social imbalance. Simon (2005) supported that the growing resentment among the Europeans have resulted in several cases of racism, the racism has been reported at professional and academic institutes. The migrants have adopted a neutral approach under these conditions; however the aboriginals are justifiable in their demand to seek professional, social, economic and political favours from their political leadership. The European society has complained that members of European Union have ignored their protests, and have failed to apply stringent limits of immigration policy. Methodical Approach Noah (2006) concluded that the democratic process was the appropriate approach to realise the gravity of the situation, and understand the intensity of the resentment among the European public. The last elections conducted in some European countries including Austria, Switzerland, and Belgium were fought on the mandate of controlling the public resentment against migrants and to offer social, economic and political privileges to the aboriginals, and to turn the entire process of immigration more stringent; the intent of this mandate was to offer relief to the aboriginals and to restrict the influence and influx of the migrants into these countries. John (2007) analysed that these elections confirmed that the population was intolerant towards multi-cultural society, and Europe was in the grip of "growing racial intolerance and widespread xenophobia throughout these societies". The success of the right-wing parties was cautious note for the European Union to control the sentiments of the masses, and to bring social, economic and professional harmony among the aboriginals and migrants. The success of the right-wing parties in Austria, Belgium and Switzerland was major indicator that the European society wants social, economic and political balance. The successful political parties were not nationalists or racists parties; however it was their strategy which assisted them to secure large public support. The strategists of these political parties were cautious enough not to ignite racism in their campaigns; rather they encouraged their political parties to voice their support cultural conservation and protection. Ethan (2006) believes that the European society is liberal society, and it is against the constitution of the European countries to deject their migrants, unless any serious allegations are reported and proven. The political leadership of these countries agree that the economic, social and industrial success of Europe has been possible due to the support and contribution of these migrants; and their dejection from the society will be inhumane treatment. The ring-wing parties agree that dejection of the migrants from the society is not the solution to the problem; such dejection will support the conservatives and introverts. The ring-ring political parties' strategists are focused towards bridging gulf between the aboriginals and migrants, and above all it is important to make the aboriginals realise that they are the contributor and part of country. Ben (2000) observed that the ring-wing parties have been cautious while developing their political charter; any such statement which restricts and prevents the migrants from their social, professional and political responsibility will be taken as notion of racism. In European politics, any support or dejection on the grounds of racism is condemned and considered deplorable. The European Union is internationally the staunch vocalists of the political freedom and autonomy of minorities in Asian and African countries; and has in past supported the imposition of sanctions on the violators of the human rights. The right-wing political strategists were therefore cautious not to state and promise any such racists action which shall be generate world-wide condemnation; such promise would have brought not only insult to the political parties but would have defamed the European Union at large. The ring-wing political parties were conservative in their approach, but to an extent that they openly supported and voiced movement against migrants, and support racism. Patrick (2005) confirmed that the ring-wing political parties' leadership is popular among local masses, and these leaders are equally popular among international press and agencies. These leaders were well-aware of the fact that any dubious statement which shall target migrants will not be well-received internationally. These strategists realised that their political victory shall never be at the cost of immoral acts; therefore moral victory was equally essential and mandatory. The right-wing political parties never stated their desire of deportation of the migrants; and probably such an approach would have ashamed these political parties to represent their support at international forums for liberal society on the grounds of equality ignoring racists, ethnic and cultural bifurcations. These political parties realised that it is more important to bridge the difference between the aboriginals and migrants, not through dialogue but by offering social, economic and political relief to the aboriginals. The right-wing political parties advocated their support for migrants; this was similar to left-wing parties. The left-wing parties were however more liberal, frank and candid about their support for migrants, and their quest to achieve social harmony and balance. Luis (2004) is sure that the right-wing parties were rather in tricky position, any such declaration of movement against migrants would have been a source of embarrassment and criticism; therefore the ring-wing political parties emerged as vocalists of cultural, social, economic protectionism for their state, without discriminating among the migrants and aboriginals. The ring-wing political parties were of the opinion that existence of imbalance is source of de-motivation for the aboriginals; therefore it is more important to restore the balance. The social, political and economic balance was major challenge for these parties, however the strategists were able to identify certain areas where they could have successfully out-witted the left-wing parties and would have secured the support of aboriginals at large without offending the migrants and human right organization. The identified areas have been classified as under, 1. Imposition of taxes on the migrants, the imposition of tax will be compensated through some relief but such measure would have eliminated economic imbalance 2. The migrants will be urged to study the history and culture of the country; such measure will bridge the cultural and social differences between the migrants and aboriginals 3. The aboriginals will be provided financial incentives and schemes for their professional and academic endeavours 4. The migrants married with aboriginals will be waived of additional taxes; such measure will bring the communities much closer and once they have families the concept of aboriginals and migrants will eliminate 5. The percentage of the applicants for migration will be reduced; and their application will be handled on need basis. The interested applicants will be entertained and shortlisted but will not be allowed to enter the country as migrant, unless employment has been arranged. 6. The technical institutions will be developed in country-side; a large percentage of aboriginals is settled in the country-side and has no access to quality education. 7. The industrial policy of the country will be revived after every 3years, and based upon the industrial policy the influx of migrants will be adjudicated. 8. Protect and conserve the culture of the country; and to bring cultural awareness among the masses. 9. Ensure and protect the social and cultural heritage of the country, and to propagate the heritage internationally. 10. The economic freedom shall be granted to the aboriginals, and the major earning sectors of the country shall be protected and supported against any possible threats. 11. The right and interests of the current employees shall be maintained, and the aboriginals shall be preferred for governmental positions. The policy undertaken by the right-wing parties complemented the principles of social and political freedom, and did not at all violate the rights of migrants. The right-wing political parties appealed about "the values of cultural protectionism to gain maximum advantage"; their strategy did not violate the electoral rules or democratic principles. The notion of cultural protection was well-received among the masses, and even the migrants echoed their support for measures to protect and conserve the culture. Wodak has focused with using critical linguistic analysis to find inequality within society. All the authors are interested in language behaviour and the social practices in it. Using their interests they look at power, values, ideologies and opinions expressed within the language. The aim of the book is to bring to light certain social inequalities and processes, and to show the mechanisms behind manipulation, discrimination, and propaganda in discourse from various sources. Critical linguistics is subjected to both linguistic and socially determined factors. The texts used range from newspapers, political jargon, advertising and natural recorded speech acts. Therefore critical linguistics is an interdisciplinary approach analysing texts using discourse analysis, sociolinguistics, pragmatics and politics. The book uses these skills to look at unjust social problems and tries to show why they have occurred, and how they can stop these social injustices from happening again. Often there is a power struggle occurring in these texts and they focus on the people in power and how they use the language to retain and manipulate the power in their favour. The book is divided into three sections. The first part "Language and Totalitarism" is designed to look at political discourse of fascism. C. Saucer's chapter "Structures of Consensus- making and Intervention" looks at Nazi language policy in their propaganda texts during their occupation of the Netherlands in the Second World War. He relates the linguistic form used to the experience of the readers. The language use assimilates the experience of those reading it, allowing them to relate to it and draw them into it. The second piece "Language Policy during the Fascist period: the Case of Education" by Gabrielle Klein looks at the language teaching under Mussolini. Klein's use of a vast array of corpus shows how Mussolini tried to teach standard Italian to gain social control over a collective set of Italian speakers. Mussolini thus gave a national language which he could put under his policy of National Unity and granted his social control. He instigated this with codification of dictionaries and by using schools as the formal education setting to learn the language. Rosita Schjerve's article "The Political Speech of Futurism and its Relationship to Italian Fascism" focused on how War was glorified in an organizational framework, and how when channelled with ideological and social conceptions they evolved from in there. Finally in this section we have Herbert Brekle with "War with Words" analysing key words in newspapers through history to trace strategies of fascist propaganda and ideology and how it has manifested itself so they maintain their power. The second section of the book "Language of Politics or Politicians" is concerned with the devices and mechanisms behind political language. Karl Sornig "Some Remarks on Linguistic Strategies of Persuasion", analyses political rhetoric or persuasive communication and shows the rhetorical devices used to gain a perlocutionary effect upon the audience. His analysis also shows how the language can be used to trigger certain responses in the listener. Werner Holly "Credibility and Political Language" looks at the strategies used when politicians appear and sound credible or try to be trustworthy. The way they use covert ways to get their message across is also highlighted in her analysis. The third paper in this section by Ruth Wodak "1968: The Power of Political Jargon- a 'club 2' discussion" is an analysis on how languages grow and how does the relationship between political jargon and specific ideologies create their own language. This language can then allow the parties to be represented by this language alone. Sylvia Moosmller's article "Phonological Variation in Parliamentary Discussions" looks at male and female speech behaviour of politicians and recorded the specific sex differences. Two levels of political language were observed as well as the difficulties of women in a male dominated profession. Uta Quasthoff chapter "Social Prejudice as a Resource of Power: Towards the Functional Ambivalence of Stereotypes" used an interdisciplinary analysis of the nature and function of stereotypes and prejudices. The paper goes on to allude to these stereotypes can suddenly become dangerous once people believe in them. The final section of the book entitled "Institutions, Control and Discourse in Specific Settings" deals with institutional power struggles and the discrimination and manipulation those result in. Teun van Dijk kicks off the section with an article called "Mediating Racism. The Role of the Media in the Reproduction of Racism". He focuses on racism in society and how it is transmitted through the media. He uses content analysis to look at how texts are worded to foreigners, and he shows how dominant groups within society provide the media the formula to make this prejudices common place. Florian Menz "Manipulation Strategies in Newspapers: a program for critical linguistics" concerns himself with how newspaper mediate themselves to the masses. He focuses on an Austrian tabloid (Neue Kronenzeitung) story which when analysed showed it created myths and emotionalised facts to gain new readers. Ernst Strouhal "The Case of W. A Critical Journey to the Border between Psychiatry and Justice" paper did a comparative intertextual study of three texts and three textual worlds. This real world case focuses on a woman losing her child as she is declared insane. Following the analysis he is able to show the discrimination against her, by the institutions, giving help to those in the future in similar circumstances. Finally Marlis Hellinger wrote "Revising the Patriarchal Paradigm. Language change and Feminist Language Politics." This paper is concerned with sexist language and behaviour in several languages (English, German, Italian, Norwegian and Spanish). Languages allow for many changes in regard to sexism, yet the norm and patriarchal societies prevent these changes. Marlis investigation saw some strategies used, such as neutralization and feminization, in these societies to avoid sex discrimination in patriarchal languages. Overall "Language, Power and Ideology" is a comprehensive work on the topic. It has scope to be applicable to use on different examples. The critical linguistic analysis is a good tool and analytical method which the authors use. The book gives a good account of practices used in political discourse, and it enables us to see the mechanisms used to establish inequality. The book is looking at the function of language so the audience is very wide and the book read by many. It is not an introductory text and requires some linguistic background knowledge (critical linguistics, pragmatics and socio-phonology). The terminology should be accessible to most with background knowledge in linguistics. Anyone who has a good knowledge of political sciences would also find it interesting with its novel view from a linguistic and critical discourse analysis angle. As stated before this book is a very good guide to using critical linguistics in political discourse. With the wide array of texts and interdisciplinary styles which give good descriptive analysis and I can use some of them in my study. Some sections and chapters will be a little irrelevant to my research, especially the ones dealing speech acts and phonology. The chapters which will be useful to my research are Klein and Schjerve whose work on programmatic statements in fascism could help me gain an insight into power mechanisms in the right wing manifestos. Sornig's work on persuasion will also help me although I will draw on more recent publications to help with that part of the analysis (Chilton and Saufner (1995) and Jovett and O'Donell (1992)). Holly's work follows on from that seeing how politicians' credibility is made with words and again will be important when seeing how manifestos are made credible. Wodak's paper on ideologies and political jargon will also give me an understanding of how the manifestos try to use jargon to promote their messages. Quasthoff-Hartman's article on stereotypes and prejudice will provide a little help as it will allow me to see the discrimination although I will not be focusing on why these stereotypes become dangerous. Van Dijk's work on racism will also help me see what is happening within the manifestos to see how foreigners are portrayed, and also what and how it is written. Finally Menz's work allows me to look at manipulation at work in Austria; this will allow me to look at the SVP and notice if any manipulation patterns are present, which I assume I will find as the bias within far right groups is present. Overall this book will help my research on the subject and it has already given me an insight into what patterns occur in political discourse, and with the help of other books like Chilton (2004) will help me analyse political discourse. Conclusion The support for the right-wing political parties is sentimental, the European community are proud of their culture and history. The mass migration into European countries have alarmed the aboriginals, these aboriginals fear that mass-migration will elope their culture, tradition, history and achievements. The aboriginals are therefore strongly against "growing ethnic heterogeneity and multiculturalism in European society". The backlash of aboriginals and their strong resentment has caused political shift; the structural theory of political economy validates this notion and explains that "the ascendancy of these parties is generated primarily by a public backlash directed against rising numbers of immigrants and asylum-seekers, and the failure of mainstream governing parties to curb these numbers and protect national identities through effective public policy regulations" Ulrich (2006). The concept of cultural protectionism evolved soon after the aboriginal feared that their land was under external influence and control; the nature of the influence is not political but cultural and social. Referring to the influx of the migrants in North America, the United States and Canada are home to millions of migrants, and the influence of these migrants is extremely severe to an extent that these migrants contribute politically, economically and socially; the migrant community have established their own small towns and are emerging as new face of American pluralistic society. The American history is not as ancient as Europeans, therefore Europeans are extremely sentimental about the rising influx of migrants, the population fear that their history, culture, entity and society is under threat of external aggression. The Europe has rich historic perspective, and definitely the Europeans have history to lose. Desmond (2006) pointed that the influx in migrants into European countries has been source of concern for nationalists, "it should come as no surprise that the emergence and rise of radical right-wing populist parties in Western Europe coincided with the growing tide of immigrants and particularly the dramatic increase in the number of refugees seeking peace, security, and a better life in the affluent societies of Western Europe" Kwame (2006). The government of Austria and Switzerland had to face strong reaction from the masses once these countries tried to internationalise their economic market. After adoption of the World Trade Organization - Free Trade treaty, the economy of European countries is more prone to vulnerabilities and downslide. The free trade agreements have offered opportunities for the countries like China and India, where the labour services are offered against cheap prices, and the availability of mineral resources is abundant. The mass migration of Asians into European countries offered industrial owners to retain the labour services at low prices. This policy underestimated the role and contribution of the aboriginals, and was responsible for their economic turmoil. The right-wing political parties have been therefore cautious in ensuring that minimum wages are monitored and approved by the government, else the private ownership will have benefit of recruiting the migrants at extremely low wages. Andrew (2004) confirmed that the right-wing political parties have the responsibility to introduce economic, social and political transformation, it is important to achieve social and cultural revival at earliest to ensure that the resentments of aboriginals regarding cultural dilution are attended. The European society has political authority, and it has glorious past. This society occupied the three-quarter of the world. This continent has rich culture, history and tradition; and above all it has values attached to all the historic traits. The influx of migrants into their country to an extent that these migrants have the potential to judge their economic, social, and political issues is threat for the local dwellers. These aboriginals are racists because they fear that their cultural, historic and social models will be victim of aggression by the migrants, if the government fails to control and restrict their flow and influence. References 1. Noah Feldman. 2006. Cosmopolitanism Law. Cambridge University Press. 2. Ethan J. Leib. 2006. Rooted Cosmopolitans. Policy Review. Issue: 137. Hoover Institution Press. 3. Luis. 2004. Political Theory of Global Justice: A Cosmopolitan Case for the World State. Routledge. pp. 32-46. 4. Patrick Hayden. 2005. Cosmopolitan Global Politics. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. pp. 176-189. 5. Ulrich Beck. 2006. The Cosmopolitan Vision. 2006. Polity Publication. pp. 213-231. 6. 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John Benjamins publishing company. Amsterdam/ Philidelphia. 21. Anderson, D. 1983. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso 22. Chilton, P. 2004. Analysing political discourse: Theory and practice. London and New York: Routledge. 23. Wodak, R., de Cillia, R., Reisigil, M and Liebhart, K. 1999. The discursive Construction of National Identity. Edinburgh University Press. Read More