Analysis of Forces of Fortune: The Rise of the New Muslim Middle-Class by Vali Nasr - Book Report/Review Example

Book Review Vali Nasr is a prominent and renowned Middle East economic expert and author. He has authored the book “Forces of Fortune: The Rise of the New Muslim Middle Class and what it will mean for our World”. In this book, Nasr majorly focuses on a revelation that will utterly transform the Muslim world in a big way. He reveals a tremendously vital, yet invisible force in the Islamic community. Nasr also talks about the effects that the middle income people have in the Middle East region. This essay will give a critical and analytical review of the book, “Forces of Fortune: The Rise of the New Muslim Middle Class and what it will mean for our World”, and discuss the major issues that the author is trying to communicate to readers. The introduction of the book talks about how the Muslim world had changed from what it used to be. The first chapter of this book, titled ‘The power of Commerce’, majorly focuses on economics and economic activities in the Middle East. This chapter makes it quite clear that economics has the greatest power to transform the Muslim majority. This shows that the economic world surpasses other things including politics, military forces, and even religion (Nasr 5). Despite the fact that Islamic fundamentalism was very problematic, it did not topple any Muslim government after 1980. However, it challenged the Algerian government in the 1990s, and threatened to overthrow it. Moreover, Islamic fundamentalism is still a threat to countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan to date (Nasr 10). Fundamentalism is only practiced by a minority of the people, and this has not seriously influenced other citizens in the Middle East (Nasr 10-11). Nasr notes that the Islamic economy is said to have a growth trend of between 15 to 20 percent yearly. This is because Islamic goods and services are on a large demand. However, there are some complications that come about in the Islamic business scene. The main ones are the Western banking system and threats from militia groups. Some of the militia groups that still exist in the Middle East include The Taliban and Al-Qaeda, which threaten business activities in the region (Nasr 10). The western banking system was shunned by the people of the Middle East a while back due to complications of its services to the business people themselves (Nasr 15). However, according to the author, most of the business people have been encouraged into appreciating this system, considering the fact that blending of the Islamic finance and the Western banking system will enable the West to connect with the growing middle-class people of the Middle East (Nasr 15-19). Nasr writes that it is not any other business that will change the Islamic majority, but “business with a small ‘b’” (Nasr 11). Capitalism in the Middle East can only be encouraged by the middle-class business people, and not the state-sponsored elite. In Chapter two, the writer talks about ‘The World According to Dubai,’ where he majorly focuses on the growth of Dubai. Nasr notes that large conglomerates which are financed by the government of Dubai but not run by the government itself are said to largely contribute to the success of Dubai. Nasr points out that Dubai has turned into a critical regional investment hub (Nasr 34-35). However, competition still arises from Abu Dhabi and Qatar (Nasr 42). There is also an unusually high risk of conflict that stands to impede the economy of Dubai (Nasr 41). Despite the challenges and competition that Dubai has faced, it still stands to be a desirable destination to the global economy. Furthermore, Dubai is Iran’s gateway to the world since it provides goods and services that economic sanctions have denied Iran (Nasr 46). The middle class of Iran holds the future of political and social reform, and this is why the West sees the link between them as an excellent opportunity (Nasr 47). Chapter three of the book focuses on ‘Iran’s predicament,’ whereby, a support surge for reform is found within the Iranian citizens (Nasr 50). Nasr points out the threat of political and economic reform led to clerical support for Mahmoud Ahmadinejad between 2005 and 2009. Iran’s influence in Afghanistan and Iraq originates from its economic ties (Nasr 53). Iran was also willing to cooperate with the Westerners, and in particular, the United States after 9/11, and they worked to rebuild Afghanistan together. Even after the election of Muhammad Khatami as president in 1997, there was more hope for further reforms in Iran (Nasr 71). The sanctions in Iran were thought to help contain the influence and power of Iran’s elite, but, they also had an impact on the middle-class individuals (Nasr 83). Nasr also shows how cultural and social activism prevailed under the rule of President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (Nasr 66-70). As Nasr continues to develop his story in chapter four of the book, he clearly presents the tragic failures of secularism in the Middle East. Nasr notes that there are three main flaws with modernity promotion of the states in the Middle East, which are known as Kemalism. They include: development of patronage states, failure of an independent bourgeoisie, and over-emphasis of secularism that has alienated much of the public by their attempts to repress Islam (Nasr 85). During the technological advancement era in Europe, overstretch of the imperial Ottoman Empire led to the disparity between Islam and the West (Nasr 87-90). This was preceded with the post World War I colonialism whereby the West tried to control the region while exploiting religious and ethnic divides (Nasr 92-93). Some of the leaders of the Middle East who utilized Kemalism brought economic growth to their countries. This is because Kemalism proved to be an excellent paradigm for state development initiatives. However, many succumbed to despotism and became corrupt, leaving bloated state institutions that would stifle markets for a long period (Nasr 109). Nasr also notes that with the state-centric Kemalism model, the middle-class people have never been able to come together to demand political reform (Nasr 114). As Nasr continues to talk about Iran, he brings readers to the fanatical Islamic revolution. This was driven by the middle-class individuals who were not affected by Kemalism. They were able to begin a movement with a collection of ideas comprising of pro-democracy, communist, socialist, and Islamic activities from all societal levels (Nasr 118). This pushed the CIA to sponsor a propaganda campaign to encourage opposition of the Prime Minister at that time, who was Mohammad Mossadegh, between 1951 and 1953 (Nasr 124). It was clear that the middle-class preferred a secular dictatorship over Islamic democracy, which alienated the lower class people, and interfered with the progress of any form of democracy. An area is not able to progress if it lacks government control and stability. Nasr defines fundamentalism as a rejection of modernization with secularism, and not as rejection of the West (Nasr 148). In chapter six of the book, Nasr talks about the true course of fundamentalism. Fundamentalism claims that Muslims must live in a strict Islamic society, but, there is no model of how an Islamic state should look like or function. Even the Shariah law has numerous interpretations (Nasr 151). Nasr states that, fundamentalism started back in the 1930s and was largely attributed to the likes of Sayyid Qutb, Hasan al-Banna and Abul Ala Mawdudi. Sayyid Qutb was highly influential, and his writings are the basis of the modern Islamic extremism (Nasr 152-157). There are a few Muslim societies that advocate for secularism. Therefore, the debate that rages comes from the types of Islam. Furthermore, economic development and commerce is essential in encouraging the adoption of moderate Islam versions (Nasr 168). Fundamentalism and Shariah laws do not drive elections for the voters and politicians; rather, it is the economy and public services that do so (Nasr 175). Some of the issues circulating around the Islamic culture include the feminine gender status, and minors in the society, which are unlikely to change soon. However, these changes that allow the Islamic society to embrace the international system will come from within them, and not from the pressure from the Westerners (Nasr 187). Fundamentalism and extremism are enhanced by the Madrasah (Islamic education). The Madrasahs provide fanatical teachings, and are by no means the norm (Nasr 192). Most Islam societies seek an education that teaches both religious values and equips learner with knowledge of the business world. Nasr continues to point out on Pakistan’s horror and hope in chapter eight of this book. He focuses on the pledge of support by Pervez Musharraf, who seeks help from the United States government in protecting Pakistan from the Indians (Nasr 204). This action was to increase foreign aid, secure American support, and also end the International sanctions. The Pakistani military was, though strong, seen from the control they had in a coup in 1958 (Nasr 207). Pakistan used this strategy in influencing the Afghanistan with the support of the Taliban. Defeating of the Afghanistan soviets convinced generals and ISI agents of Pakistan that Jihadist movements were an effective means to secure national interests (Nasr 214). Likewise in the rest of the Middle East there were other movements that denied Musharraf control, showing that democracy will prevail when the middle class is permitted to acquaint itself following economic reform. Nasr continues with his storyline by shedding some light on the Republic of Turkey. Turkey acts as a model to other countries in the West considering its progress towards capitalist growth and political pluralism. Turkey also joins the European Union (EU), which is also one of the factors that have led to its growth (Nasr 234). During the post Ataturk period, Kemalism and state-planning led to promotion of the public sector. The emergence of the AKP political party challenged the state’s economic monopoly. As the book comes to an end, Nasr discusses the topic, ‘Winning the future’ in chapter ten. He talks about the fact that democracy is not about to prevail in the Middle East, until economic progress is achieved. The aid given to the Middle East from the West should build up on supporting entrepreneurship and commerce, while also building Western markets for Middle East services and goods (Nasr 256). However, sanctions and policies of isolation make it difficult for commerce and the middle class to thrive (Nasr 263). In chapter ten of the book, Nasr notes that instead of elections, the West should demand the basic and weighty things from its leaders. These things include submission to the rule of law, accepting constitutional checks and balances, elimination of bureaucratic red tape and regulations that impedes commerce, employing few and small state enterprises, reducing the public sector, employing fewer people through government payroll, and opening up foreign direct investment, trade and free flow of goods and services (Nasr 256-257). Nasr Presents Forces of Fortune as one of the best primers in the Middle East. Even though he focuses most of the topics in the Middle East region, he still leaves out on some major issues like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Nasr, on the other hand, clearly brings out the dilemmas that face the Middle East region, which have led to its stunted growth economically. Nasr’s notion of empowerment of the middle class in the Middle East to reform depends on its adoption of a neoliberal world view (Nasr 263). Nasr defines neo-liberalism as a perspective within an international scope that promotes economic interdependency, and adoption of democratic norms, reducing conflict all round the globe. In conclusion, Nasr argues that if the middle class of the Middle East is allowed to progress in terms of the economy, then reforms in the political sector will be evident, and the tension that lies between the West and the Middle East will vastly decline. This calls for an inward initiative from the Islamic society in the Middle East to accept the Western system and bring change into their lives by empowering the middle class. This is because only the middle class individuals have the greatest impact in the society due to their growing nature economically. Unlike countries such as China, India, and Latin America, this transformation is beginning in the Middle East (Nasr 261). Work cited Nasr, Vali. Forces of Fortune: The Rise of the New Muslim and What It Will Mean for Our World. New York: Free Press, 2009. Print. Read More