A Variety of Ways Wherein Race Influences Various Social Mechanisms - Essay Example

?Researching Racism Carefully Introduction Many social psychologists have d that racism and prejudice express themselves at various stages, at intergroup, interpersonal, institutional, and individual stages. However, curiously, a current re-evaluation of the past three decades of literature in the field of social psychology calls the field ‘colour blind’ and determines that “social psychologists... have given race and ethnicity less attention than it warrants” (Bonilla-Silva 2010, 129). This statement implies that there remains insufficient, and inappropriate, social-psychological research on a variety of ways wherein race influences various social mechanisms. Per se, a range of theoretical and practical perspectives are hence needed to completely understand racism. Can social psychologists contribute in mitigating racism? If so, how should social psychologists approach racism? Social psychology is a core discipline which aims to develop knowledge and awareness through qualitative and quantitative methodologies, such as surveys and experiments. At times, the theories and practices in social psychology may appear quite isolated from societal issues (Brown 2006). Nevertheless, numerous, if not nearly all societal issues have social psychological facets, and hence social psychologists may not merely explain these issues, but help in resolving them as well. Rabinowitz and colleagues, in clarifying the social perspective of their research, state that (Romm 2010, 175): One of the challenges for social scientists has been to discover ways to promote group equality and inclusiveness in society. Although answering this challenge has always been difficult- perhaps especially so now that affirmative action programs in the United States are under fire- this endeavour is also one of the oldest in social psychology. For the better part of a century, a number of applied and basic research programs in social psychology have concentrated on issues of prejudice and discrimination and how to reduce them both. Therefore, social psychologists need to be careful how they approach research on racism so they do not add to the problem. New Racism The new racism argues that it is the shortcoming of Black individuals that are the root of their difficulties, not the emergence of prejudice and racism, and slavery that is believed to have been completely abolished. The new racism is believed to be quite evident in the perspectives of White individuals on a variety of social issues and positive action (Romm 2010). Discourses on these subject matters are frequently surrounded by an implicit nuance of negative stereotypes and racist mind-set. Social psychologists have created complex and practical contemporary racism measures to analyse different hidden types of present-day racial prejudice (Adams 2008). Several scholars and researchers have stated that contemporary prejudice and racism model in social psychology is restricted by its reliance on racism’s prejudicial approach (Romm 2010). They claim that racism must not be rigidly associated with a specific psychological system of causes, thoughts, and feelings. Social scientists, according to Bernal and associates (2003), uncertain of the social psychological analysis of racism, have conducted ethnographic studies of societal feelings and thoughts towards race or have unintentionally discovered commonplace discussion of race to be a vital subject matter in the line of research. Several of the most remarkable studies in social science have concerned investigation of racially prejudiced White groups. A significant amount of empirical findings in the social sciences also involved racism and the media (Ratele & Duncan 2007). Studies on media and race, for apparent causes, are predisposed to put emphasis on analysing how observable ethnic minority groups are offensively stereotyped and disapprovingly described by White-dominated media entities. A specific emphasis is evaluating the arguments drawn upon by sectors of the mass media to racially slant public opinion about social issues (Ratele & Duncan 2007). According to Bordens and Horowitz (2002), the opportunities to study racism and media have grown noticeably with the development of the Internet. Social psychologists have long looked for methods of integral psychological notions that prevent difficulties, such as response biases, linked with direct reports. Of late, numerous ‘implicit’, or indirect, methods have surfaced (Fazio & Olson 2003). The common denominator among these different methods is that they all aim to present an assessment of the notion of awareness without having to personally request a verbal statement from participant/s. Their main strength is that these implicit assessments are prone to be free of biases, concerns, and social interest. Usually, although not automatically factual for every method, the participant does not know that stereotypes, prejudice, mind-set, and others are even being studied (Fazio & Olson 2003). According to Augoustinos and Reynolds (2001), the methods differ in their endeavour to determine what is involuntarily stimulated in response to an issue or an individual against using a supposed outcome of this stimulation as an implicit assessment. Implicitly assessed feelings and thoughts should not be presumed to be non-conscious. For instance, studies on the mediating function of motivation to regulate prejudice would encourage social psychologists to think that individuals in general are conscious of their involuntarily stimulated racial mind-set. In various investigations, the highly motivated display indication of having ‘redressed’ or ‘adjusted’ for their involuntarily stimulated thoughts and feelings (Fazio & Olson 2003). Since correction processes frameworks demand people to be conscious of a possible bias so as to take part in rigorous adjustment, the assumption is that individuals are conscious of their involuntarily stimulated racial attitudes. Nevertheless, these signs of consciousness may not emerge in other areas, and social psychologists do not doubt that it is probable for individuals to hold, and be affected by, thoughts and feelings of which they are unacquainted (Fazio & Olson 2003). Regardless, the subject of awareness has to be deal with more closely. Critical Psychology of Racism Critical models of research on racism differ with the established methods wherein social psychologists have researched this issue. Operating within the social constructionist perspective, critical approaches question the assumption that identity is permanent, stable, and absolute (Tuffin 2005). Hence the idea of the racially prejudiced as a personality is switched with the idea that identity is flexible, diverse and created by specific situations. In other words this is to show that racially prejudiced identities occur through conversation, instead of unavoidably existing within specific individuals (Hunt et al. 2000). This presents a credible discourse for researching racism as an attribute of commonplace talks, and studying the forces that facilitate racism. Finding the focus of research in text implies that the emphasis of the study shifts from cognitive mechanisms to discursive means (Tuffin 2005). As stated by Marshall and Raabe (1993 as cited in Tuffin 2005, 124), this suggests a deviation from the individual as a research object. Within the constructionist racism research the favoured method of analysis is the thorough and careful investigation and explanation of commonplace verbal and nonverbal communication. Hence the principles and practices that revolve around racism are analysed, instead of the specific attributes of individuals and the unavoidability of cognitive mistakes (Brown 2006). Racism and prejudice are not interpreted anymore as expressions of the psychological core, but are interpreted openly and apparent manifestations of the racism language (Brown 2006). Thus critical psychology offers an appropriate method for social psychologists to carefully study racism. Critical social psychologists consider language as integral to identity formation and social processes. In arguing that language supports identity and social practices, critical psychologists have shifted the unit of analysis towards discussion (Tuffin 2005). According to Ratele and Duncan (2007), the objectives of critical psychologists in this arena involve explaining trends in current principles, determining the psychological and social indications of specific means of communicating and the means wherein understandings become totally connected to patterns of behaviour. Racism, for the critical psychologist occurs through the use of discursive means that facilitate, allow and cultivate racism. These broadly existing means are typified by conflict, disagreement, and inconsistency. Certainly it is these attributes that endow rhetorical and discursive means a good deal of strength (Tuffin 2005). Social psychologists should always remember that they should not presume political standpoints and principles to have inner consistency and theoretical structure. Political discourses and viewpoints are not crippled by theoretical flexibility; it is somewhat the contrary (Bernal et al. 2003). The rhetorical elasticity existing in these means is the core attribute that makes them appear just and practical. Conclusions Even though apparently in its formative years, implicit methods in social psychological research of racism is definitely advancing. As the knowledge and understanding of social psychologists of the processes behind different indirect or implicit method grows, the issues that they can raise will become more perceptive and the inputs to central theory and practice firmer. It is certain that when their analysis and application is informed or directed by available literature and related theory, implicit methods have the ability to function as valuable methodological instruments for verifying assumptions. Even though some social psychologists doubt that their exploratory findings will continue to be relevant and valid as the literature on racism flourishes even more, they expect that their works and attempts to organise the empirical findings available thus far will foster a more accurate and appropriate understanding of racism. Apparently, social psychology has comprehensively and constantly contributed to prejudice and racism theories. Although the central emphasis of these theories has been to make sense of the psychology of prejudice and racism, they have disagreed extensively in their research object and theoretical framework. It is opportune therefore that social psychologist critically evaluate what the theories and practices in their field have contribute to the understanding of this serious social problem, and provide a number of ideas as to how the awareness they raise may be applied to the explanation of intergroup discrimination, conflict, and repression. References Adams, G. (2008) Commemorating Brown: the social psychology of racism and discrimination. New York: American Psychological Association. Augoustinos, M. & Reynolds, K. (2001) Understanding Prejudice, Racism, and Social Conflict. London: Sage Publications Ltd. Brown, C. (2006) Social Psychology. London: Sage Publications Ltd. Bernal, G. et al. (2003) Handbook of Racial and Ethnic Minority Psychology. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Bonilla-Silva, E. (2010) Racism without Racists. UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Bordens, K. & Horowitz, I. (2002) Social Psychology. London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Fazio, R. & Olson, M. (2003) “Implicit Measures in Social Cognition Research: Their Meaning and Use” Annual Review of Psychology, 297+ Hunt, M. et al. (2000) “Colour-Blind: The Treatment of Race and Ethnicity in Social Psychology” Social Psychology Quarterly, 63(4), 352-364. Ratele, K. & Duncan, N. (2007) Social Psychology: Identities and Relationships. London: UCT Press. Romm, N. (2010) New Racism: Revisiting Researcher Accountabilities. London: Springer Science. Tuffin, K. (2005) Understanding Critical Social Psychology. London: Sage Publications Ltd. Read More